• 제목/요약/키워드: power relations

검색결과 616건 처리시간 0.032초

마이크로 프로세서를 이용한 용접전력 측정에 관한 연구 (Microprocessor based welding power meter)

  • 노창주;박상길
    • Journal of Advanced Marine Engineering and Technology
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    • 제11권4호
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    • pp.33-40
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    • 1987
  • Arc power is consumed energy per unit time between welding electrodes. The relations between consumed energy and electrode distance, current, voltage are nonlinear characteristics. Therefore commercial A.C. wattmeter cannot be used for measurement of the arc power. Most of arc energy measuring systems are developed for relay contact arc measurement. Relaly arc requires integrated instantaneous power because relay arc finishes in a short instant. But most of welding powers are continually consumed powers, therefore instantaneous power must be continually indicated in the form of averagy value. The author propose a new measurement method of power in which the current and voltage of welding electrode is multiplied and the resultant signal is passed to low pass filter in order to remove higher order frequency components. After integrating, the signal is devided by the integral interval and the results are stored in a computer memory.

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A STUDY ON THE QUASI TOPOS

  • Kim, Ig Sung
    • Korean Journal of Mathematics
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    • 제28권1호
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    • pp.75-87
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    • 2020
  • Category F Rel of fuzzy sets and relations does not form a topos. J. Harding, C. Walker and E. Walker [3] showed that FRel has a tensor product and V. Durov [1] introduced basic definitions related to the notion of vectoid endowed with a tensor product. In this paper, we show that FRel forms a quasi topos. Also we show that there are quasi power objects in FRel. And by the use of the concepts of FRel and quasi topos, we get the logic operators of FRel. Moreover, we show that FRel forms a vectoid.

전동차의 전력품질저하에 따른 광플리커 현상에 관한 연구 (Study of Light Flickering according to the Degradation of Power Quality in the electric train)

  • 최영하;이강원;김명룡;온전근;송중호
    • 한국철도학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국철도학회 2004년도 춘계학술대회 논문집
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    • pp.1410-1412
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    • 2004
  • Light flickering is caused by the degradation of power quality in electric train and can be measured by electronic illuminometer. This paper has shown the relations between voltage variations and illumination of lamps which has two kinds of incandescent lamp and 3-wavelength fluorescent lamp.

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The Program for Teaching on Type I error and Type II error

  • 최현석
    • 한국데이터정보과학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국데이터정보과학회 2004년도 추계학술대회
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    • pp.17-23
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    • 2004
  • At the conclusion from the hypothesis testing, there is a possibility of making Type I error and Type II error. The purpose of this article is to use this program in statistics teaching through developing the program for studying on the concept about these two errors, two kinds of the probability of errors by the variation of rejection region, two kinds of the probability of errors by the variation of sample size, the relations of the probability $\alpha$ and $\beta$ by these two errors, and power function, power curve.

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양수발전기의 입찰과 SMP관계 분석을 위한 P-Pool 프로그램 응용방법 (P-Pool Program Application Method for Analyzing Relations between SMP and Bidding Strategies of Pumped-Storage Power Plant)

  • 조성위;이광호;김욱
    • 대한전기학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 대한전기학회 2008년도 제39회 하계학술대회
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    • pp.578-579
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    • 2008
  • 본 논문은 국내 전력시장과 동일한 규칙을 지닌 P-Pool 전산모형을 소개하였다. P-Pool 전산모형은 양수발전기의 입찰계획을 자동으로 생성하기 때문에 사용자가 입찰계획변경에 따른 SMP 변화를 분석하기 어렵다. 이를 해결하기 위해 본 연구에서는 양수발전기의 입찰계획량을 수요에 반영하는 방법을 제안하였고, 사례연구를 활용하여 검증하였다.

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노사관계에 있어서 단체 교섭력의 결정요인 - 경제적 변수를 중심으로 - (The Determinants of Collective Bargaining Power in Labor-Management Relations - Focusing on the Analysis of the Economic Variables -)

  • 백광기
    • 산학경영연구
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    • 제2권
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    • pp.141-169
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    • 1989
  • Most of the theories of collective bargaining outcomes start with a set of economic variables. The economic constraints, pressures, and incentives influence the bargaining power relationship between labor union and employer. In this paper, the critical macro and micro economic variables that need to be considered in analyzing the economic context of collective bargaining power relationship is outlined. The focus is on the role that economic forces play in shaping the results of bargaining, that is the outcome of negotiations. In this study, the elasticity of the demand for labor is introduced as one of the most important economic aspects that influence bargaining power. Unions will be most successful in increasing wages when they enjoy an inelastic demand for labor. If the demand for labor is not naturally inelastic, some institutional arrangement for "taking wages out of competition" must be sought. Inflation, business cycle, and income policy are influential in shaping both parties' goals and expectations as well. In addition to the analysis of the economic variables, the nature of power is diagonized with some introductory notions about its care and feeding before proceeding to the details of the above issues.

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러시아·중앙아시아 관계 -2015년 EAEU 창설 이후를 중심으로- (Russia-Central Asia relations -Focusing on the period after the establishment of the EAEU in 2015-)

  • 박상남
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제7권3호
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    • pp.85-114
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    • 2023
  • 본 연구의 목적은 구조적 현실주의 입장에서 2015년 EAEU 출범 이후 러시아·중앙아시아관계를 분석하고 미래를 전망하는데 있다. 1991년 냉전붕괴 이후 중앙아에서 형성된 국제질서는 미국 일극체제였던 글로벌 차원과는 달리 러시아 우위의 미·중·러 3개국에 의한 다극체제 성격이 강했다. 이러한 구조 속에서 러시아, 중앙아 양자관계는 밀접한 협력요소와 갈등 요소를 동시에 가지고 있다. 특히 권위주의 동맹성격을 가진 러시아, 중앙아는 정권유지를 위해 서로 협력할 수밖에 없는 공생관계이기도 하다. 러시아는 이를 바탕으로 중앙아를 재통합하기 위해 노력해왔다. 중앙아 역시 생존을 위해 러시아와 협력하면서도 다른 한편으론 예속되지 않기 위해 다양한 국가들과 협력을 확대해왔다. 그러나 중국의 부상과 러시아의 상대적 약화, 우크라이나 전쟁 이후 대러시아 경계심이 고조되면서 양자관계의 간극이 확대되고 있는 측면이 있다. 중국의 영향력이 커질수록 러시아의 초조감도 커지면서 EAEU창설의 배경이 되었다. 우크라이나 전쟁 중에도 푸틴이 중앙아 5개국을 방문하여 활발한 정상회담을 했던 것도 중국견제 심리가 작용했다. 향후 러·중의 경쟁이 표면화 된다면 중앙아 국제질서는 불안정해질 가능성이 크다. 그러나 전통적인 러시아 우위의 중앙아 국제질서가 근본적으로 변화할 가능성은 낮다. 무엇보다 러시아와 중앙아시아의 안보, 역사, 문화적 연계성은 중국이 대신하기 힘든 부분이다. 따라서 러시아의 영향력은 과거에 비해 약화되겠지만 우월적 지위는 지속될 전망이다. 만약 러시아가 호전성에서 벗어나 매력적인 협력파트너로 변신할 경우 양자관계는 다시 상승세를 탈 가능성도 있다. 그러나 푸틴정권에서 이러한 변화와 혁신이 일어날 가능성은 많지 않아 보인다. 중앙아를 재통합하려는 푸틴의 목표에 가장 큰 걸림돌은 푸틴 자신이다.

포스트모던 제국의 우울증-데이빗 헨리 황의 『엠. 버터플라이』 (David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly: Postmodern Other, (Post-)Imperialist Melancholy and Western Masculinity in Crisis)

  • 박미선
    • 영어영문학
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    • 제54권4호
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    • pp.579-597
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    • 2008
  • This article discusses David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly as a suggestive text for examining Western masculinity in crisis in the post-imperialist age, in which territorial imperialism is no longer valid. Previous scholarship on M. Butterfly has centered around the interlocking dynamics of imperialism, racism and sexism. Such critical attentions focus on how Hwang deconstructs racialized significations of the East and the West. In these discussions, the issue of gender is often addressed merely as a trope to represent the power relations between the East and the West. As such, gender as well as sexuality is highlighted as the very source of subversion of the power relations. My discussion departs from a critique of the gendered trope of the East and the West, highlighting a postmodern agent, the allegedly feminized character Song Lining: a Chinese actor who passes for a woman for political purposes in postcolonial China. Remaining an "inappropriate/d other" in the gendered imperialist discourse, Song becomes an emergent subject, who is capable of playing gender ambiguity for reclaiming a devalued identity, that of homosexual Asian man. Discussing how the central character Rene Gallimard's masculine identity is constructed in a cross-cultural space and how it evolves, I also argue that Gallimard's melancholic death signifies a historical unsustainability of imperialist masculinity in the postmodern/postcolonial age since World War II.

記憶とパワーのジェンダーポリティックス: 東アジアの国際関係において日本の平和憲法と慰安部問題の意味づけ (Gendered Politics of Memory and Power: Making Sense of Japan's Peace Constitution and the Comfort Women in East Asian International Relations)

  • 金泰柱;李洪千
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권2호
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    • pp.163-202
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    • 2020
  • This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

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설득이론을 통한 해군력의 정치적 사용에 관한 고찰 (A Study of Political Use of Naval Power in Solving International Conflicts)

  • 양정승
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권30호
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    • pp.236-262
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    • 2012
  • Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

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