• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• 제41권3호
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• pp.403-442
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• 2010

This study aims to configurate the contents of social policy strategies of European welfare states in the postindustrial society. The social policy strategy of the socialdemocratic regime consists of 'maintenance of statecentrism' and 'inclusion'. The contents of social policy strategy of the liberal regime are 'expansion of market forces' and 'increase of individual' self-responsibility'. The conservative regime adheres to the 'protection of male breadwinner; and 'income maintenance programs'. Due to these social policy strategies, the conservative regime has very high rate of unemployment. In the liberal regime, the high rate of poverty exists. In contrast, the socialdemocratic regime has low rates of unemployment and poverty and shows best social outcomes among the welfare regimes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• 제42권4호
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• pp.263-293
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• 2011

There have been many studies on the relationship between welfare states and the poverty. Yet, only a few studies have been addressed the poverty alleviation effect of public pension using difference in difference(DID). This study aims to analyze poverty alleviation effect for the old aged of public pension in 10 OECD countries using DID considering welfare states regimes. The empirical analyses are based on panel data of individuals aged 50 and over from two sources: SHARE in Europe(wave I~II) and HRS in USA(2004~2006). As a result of simple DID, this study provides evidence that the poverty rate of the old aged who has not been received the pension is increased, while the poverty rate of pensioner is sharply decreased. The anti-poverty effect of public pension using DID is 45.6% which is bigger than that of pre/post approach. The policy impact used by pre/post approach in conservative welfare regime is underestimated while those in liberal and socialist regime are overestimated. In last, GDP growth rate has not significant while public pension contributes to poverty alleviation effects of the old aged. Poverty alleviation effects of public pension are also varied with welfare state regimes. The poverty alleviation effects of public pension in conservative welfare and social democratic welfare state regime are significantly bigger than that in liberal welfare state regime.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• 제57권1호
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• pp.245-269
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• 2005

This paper purports to evaluate the public assistance programme of Korea in comparison with those of member states of the European Union, using the concept of poverty regime as a heuristic device. For this purpose, chapter two discusses notions of welfare-state regime (Esping-Andersen, 1990) and poverty regime(Sainsbury and Morissen, 2002). Chapter three examines poverty and income distribution in Korea and the member states of the EU, and chapter four compares and analyses the public assistance programme of those countries, using hierarchical cluster analysis. It claims that the 'welfare paradox' of $L{\empty}delmel$ (1997) is not based on evidence, and duly concludes that the overall level of welfare effort such as welfare expenditure is a main determinant for the development of public assistance programmes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• 제55권
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• pp.205-230
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• 2003

This article examines the continuity and change of Korean welfare regime during 1990s. Democracy, globalization and the financial crisis changed the landscape of Korean society as a whole and provided a catalyst for the change of the Korean welfare regime. In order to show how and what changed in Korean welfare regime, this study concentrates on the transformations of income maintenance programmes and social welfare services. The changed aspects are as follow: (1) The ratio of social expenditure to GDP has increased during 1990s and now stood at ten percent level. (2)Rather than backing up the company welfare, government strove to build and expand income maintenance devices for all citizens. (3) The poverty and inequality reduction effects of income maintenance programs are very weak in early 1990s, but they are gradually getting stronger impact on poverty and inequality. But, there are also continuance. (1) In spite of the relative development of income maintenance programs, social welfare services are still poorly designed as before. (2) The expenditure level of social welfare services shows sharp contrast to income maintenance programs and lagged behind the other OECD countries. (3) The expansion of social service sector employment are also not so salient. In 2002, social service employment is only at close to 2.5 per cent of the total employment. Accordingly, korean welfare regime is now characterized by a model which is to curb poverty and inequality by engaging in direct government provision of income maintenance programs, but refrain from expanding social service by relying on net welfare which encourage the provision of services within the family. A implication of our analysis is that the expansion of social welfare Korea saw after 1997 was not really an regime shift. According to the arguments of Peter Hall, first and second order changes in policy do not automatically lead to third order changes which imply regime shift. Policy changes which occurred during 1990s was not accompanied by a shift in policy paradigms. Family dependency in welfare is not yet changed.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• 제62권2호
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• pp.87-107
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• 2010

This paper purports to compare the differences and similarities of social exclusions in Korea with those in the European countries, notably Germany, France, Sweden, Finland, Ireland and U.K. For this purpose, chapter two examines political and social origins of social exclusion as an alternative concept to poverty or unemployment. Chapter three discusses social exclusion paradigms of Silver(1994) in reference to welfare regime theories of Esping-Andersen(1990). Subsequently chapter four, using two artificial social exclusion indicators by principal component analysis, defines the basic nature of social exclusion of Korea in comparison with those of the six European countries. Chapter five duly concludes that social exclusions in Korea are very similar to those of liberal countries (Ireland and U.K.) in that income indicators (poverty and inequality) of Korea are much worse, whereas unemployment rate is relatively low.

• 한국노년학
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• 제29권2호
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• pp.563-578
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• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• 제65권2호
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• pp.179-201
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• 2013

Since the 1960s, Korean welfare regime has been characterized by developmental welfare regime, of which invisible welfare programs like relation-based welfare are one of core elements. Developmental welfare regime of Korea has been dismantled after 1990s by the internal and external pressures. Focusing on the declines of relation-based welfare, this study examines the dismantle of developmental welfare regime of Korea. Since the late-1990s, the roles of inter-family income transfer and public income transfer are significant changed in terms of each share of total household income and each contribution of poverty alleviation. In other words, the role of public welfare has been growing while that of relation-based welfare has been decreased in the last twenty years. For the sake of a successful welfare regime transition in Korea, redistributional function of public welfare is quite important, but the development of reciprocal social economy and open community are also needed. Because, at this time and in this place, traditional welfare state building strategy is not proper in many aspects. However, it is impossible to achieve the development of reciprocal open community by restoration of relation-based welfare which has been already declined. This study regards enlargement of social economy or third sector as a development of reciprocal open community, and insists that cooperatives are especially worthy of notice.

• Journal of health informatics and statistics
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• 제43권4호
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• pp.274-281
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• 2018

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to comprehensively compare the trends of health administration and health policy in the field of health care using the semantic network analysis in the inaugural address of the Ministry of Health and Welfare of each regime in Korea. Methods: This study used a language network analysis method that uses Korean Key Words In Context (KrKwic) program and NetMiner program in sequence. The analysis was conducted by Minister Hwa-joong Kim during the Moo-hyun Roh government, Minister Jae-hee Jeon during the Myung-bak Lee government, Minister Young Jin of Geun-hye Park government and Government Jae-in Moon's inaugural address of Neung-Hoo Park Minister, respectively. Results: The key words differentiated by each regime are that the Moo-hyun Roh Government's Minister Hwa-joong Kim had high connection centrality values in the words 'balanced development', 'comprehensive' and 'reform'. Minister Jae-Hee Jeon of Myung-bak Lee Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'poverty' and 'return'. In the case of Minister Young Jin of Geun-hye Park Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'demand', 'Customized' and 'Life cycle'. In the case of Minister Neung-Hoo Park of Jae In Moon Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'Welfare state', 'Embracing' and 'Soundness'. Conclusions: If the role of health administration in the health care field and the health care policies are constantly changed according to the policies of each regime, it is inconsistent and it is difficult to approach from the long term perspective for public health promotion. In the future, health policy should be developed and implemented with a long-term perspective and consistency based on the consensus and participation of the people with less influence on the change and direction of each government's policies.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• 제38권7호
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• pp.67-77
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• 2000

This study reviews and analyses the policy changes happened in Britain regarding the family and children. Traditionally Britain has employed non-interventionist policies for the family and child care assuming the family as a private domain. This policy had been reinforced during the Thatcher regime. However the traditional families that Beveridge had idealized have been rapidly disappearing and child poverty has become critical concern for Blair's New Labour government with the rising number of lone parent families. The New labour's child and family-friendly policies to enhance the family life have been examined on the basis of government reports on Child Benefit, WFTC, Child Support Agency and the plans to support parents and to implement the child and family-friendly practices.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.