• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권7호
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• pp.1-24
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• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제30호
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• pp.87-121
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• 2010

소앙은 우리 민족의 고유사상에서 삼균주의의 핵심개념인 '균등(均等)'을 발굴하고, 전통 유학에서 삼균주의의 이론적 구조를 도출했으며, 당시 서구의 여러 사상을 수용하여 삼균주의의 살을 붙였다. 삼균주의는 대부분 서구 사상들을 수용한 결과로 볼 수도 있다. 그런데 소앙은 한결같이 전통에 입각하여 자신의 이념을 정당화하였다. 이를 위해 소앙은 우리 민족의 전통사상 가운데 자신의 신념과 부합되는 내용들을 적극적으로 발굴하여 부각시켰을 뿐만 아니라, 전통을 원형과 달리 창조적으로 재해석하기도 했으며, 때로는 없는 내용을 전통에 가탁하여 창작하기도 하였다. 소앙의 삼균주의와 중도노선은 당시로서는 비록 실패한 것이었지만, 오늘날 우리에게 여전히 중요한 가르침이 될 수 있다. 첫째, '해방공간'에서 중도노선의 실패가 민족의 분단을 뜻하는 것이었다면, 오늘날 우리는 거꾸로 중도노선에서 통일의 기반을 모색해야 한다는 점이다. 둘째, 오늘날 우리 사회에서는 이른바 '양극화(兩極化)'로 인한 갈등이 더욱 심화되고 있거니와, 균등은 갈등을 해소하는 지름길이라는 점이다. 셋째, 유럽연합(EU)의 출범이 입증해주듯이, 왕도적(王道的) 세계일가(世界一家)는 세계평화의 지름길로서 충분히 실현가능성이 있다는 점이다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.228-247
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• 2015

Politics is defined as who gets what, when, and how. Communication is defined as the process, outcomes and effects of message transmission through a medium. Thus political communication in Asia, the most dynamic and uncertain region of the world, has been very dense, requiring rigorous scientific analysis and culturally sensitive reflection. Mass media brought about a revolution in political communication in the last century. In the 21st century, complex monitory devices from the state and international organizations and from the society and transnational groups have transformed the features of political communication. It has triggered another revolution in political communication. Illustrations are given focusing on Asia. A theoretical reflection from the angle of political science is attempted focusing on political communication medium and its effects. I compare no medium (face-to-face communication), mass media, and social media in relation to their effects.

• 영어영문학
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• 제56권4호
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• pp.667-690
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• 2010

This essay attempts to read Percy Bysshe Shelley s The Mask of Anarchy by attending to a political agenda that Shelley seeks to propose and embody in the poem. This poem was written as a response to an exceptional political event, the Peterloo Massacre, and thus it is evident that Shelley intended to engage in contemporary politics by writing this poem. As many critics have pointed out, however, the way in which this poem addresses social, plitical issues is ambivalent and even confusing, since it contains many elements that contradict each other, and sometimes its political visions are based on incoherent conceptions. For this reason, this poem has been considered to be a failure as an occasional poem which should provide the reader with a clear direction for political actions. Faced with this critical problem, this essay proposes that the ambivalence this poem reveals-e.g., the confrontation between moderate artistic fantasy and radical tenets-is not a retreat from political activism, as some critics suggested, but a result of its creation and embodiment of a public sphere which invites various social classes and their positions. The mode in which Shelley conceives this unified public sphere in the course of writing The Mask of Anarchy can be interpreted in terms of the following three features. First, this poem underscores the significance of thoughts in constituting a communal space between people, thus asking the reader to participate in this process of thinking on given issues. Second, this poem suggests that people should enlighten each other by engaging in communicative reciprocations. Lastly, the public sphere formulated by the previous two features should incorporate various socio-political agents beyond class boundaries (even oppressors themselves) into its own working field. After explaining how these three features are manifested in the poem, this essay argues that the unified public sphere thus formed in the poem is the very agenda that Shelley aims to propose for the contemporaneous politics and culture. As a conclusion, this essay highlights how Shelley s project of creating a unified public sphere finally failed in contemporary history through observing two contrasting receptions of Shelley s works.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제19권
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• pp.37-63
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• 2002

그동안 기존 연구들은 우리 사회에서 토론문화가 발전할 수 없었던 원인이 억압적인 유교규범과 오랫동안 지속되어 온 권위주의 정치체제에 있었던 것으로 간주해 왔다. 그러나 기존의 설명들로는 민주화가 진행되고 있는 현 시점에서 우리 사회가 아직도 토론문화 부재의 상황에 머물러 있는 현실을 해명해 주지는 못한다. 이러한 문제의식에서 출발한 본 연구에서는 고대 동 서양의 커뮤니케이션 사상과 그 인식론의 비교를 통해 해명의 실마리를 찾아 보고자 하였다. 그 결과, 서양에서는 이미 고대 그리스시대부터 대화와 토론의 필요성과 그 가치를 높게 평가하고 있었던 반면에 고대 중국을 포함한 한국 등 유교문화권에서는 대화와 토론의 필요성을 절실하게 인식하지 않고 있었다. 그 이유는, 서양에서는 이미 오래 전부터 진리를 발견하고 확인하기 위한 수단으로서 토론의 필요성을 인식하고 있었던 반면에 동양에서는 진리를 탐구와 확인의 대상이 아니라 실천의 대상으로 인식하고 있었기 때문이었다. 바로 이러한 이유 때문에 유교문화권에서는 대화와 토론의 문화가 발전하고, 성숙될 수 있는 바탕이 마련되어 있지 않았던 것이다.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제31권4호
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• pp.13-24
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• 2003

The modern landscape architectural profession and education of Korea was established in the early 1970s. The former president Park Chung-Hee was a main axis in this process of establishment. This paper critically examines Park Chung-Hee's thoughts on landscape architecture. It can show us the functional relationship between his thoughts and the beginning of the history of modem landscape architecture in Korea. The close relationship between Park Chung-Hee and Korean landscape architecture can be interpreted as double sides. First, landscape architecture was a matter of great interest for Park Chung-Hee. His involvement of landscape architecture went well beyond that of an amateur. Second, landscape architecture was a strategic instrument for practicing his political policy of economic development and nationalism. There are three remarkable tendencies in his thoughts on landscape architecture. First, he regarded that the main role of landscape architecture was to cover and to decorate damaged sites. Second, he had a contradictory notion of tradition and history. Last, the European pastoral ideal was his criterion for the beauty of landscape. His thoughts on landscape architecture were an amalgamation of these three contradictory ideas, and it has left some controversial inheritances for contemporary landscape architecture.

• 복식
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• 제66권7호
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• pp.154-170
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• 2016

The female leadership styles in the 21st century have been established as a major axis. Especially, the fashion of female politicians being exposed to the public during political activities has become a main element of a measure displaying visually female leadership styles in the 21st century and image making as well. Consequently, this study conducted qualitative research through the interview method to figure out regular voters' thoughts in depth about images being required for female political leaders and the fashion maximizing those images, and drew the detailed design elements. Suggesting the clothes design reflecting those elements for female political leaders by 3D virtual clothing works emerging as a new market creating profits related to fashion. The images which female political leaders have to have and were extracted through the interviews in this study, showed as feminine, strong leader, honest, and intelligent images, and also it was shown that female political leaders displaying proper images depending on the circumstances and using those images in politics rather than sticking to a fashion identity were favored by interviewees. The present study intends to contribute to being used as basic data of various research and fashion items of virtual reality and establishment of successful fashion strategy for female political leaders.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제12권10호
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• pp.4348-4353
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• 2011

본 논문은 은유적 표현이 단순한 수사학적인 표현이 아닌 사고의 영역에 관련되어 있다는 인지언어학적인 관점을 따른다. 이러한 관점은 은유는 특정한 사고의 틀(frame)을 동원하여 그 틀에 의해 대상을 보게 하므로 어떤한 면을 부각시키는 반면 여전히 실재하는 다른 면을 감추기도 하면서 우리의 삶에 영향을 주고 있음에 주목한다. 정치에서의 은유표현들은 정치적 의도를 관철시키기 위해 사용된다. Lakoff는 미국의 보수주의에는 '엄한 아버지' 모델이 라는 도덕관이 작동하고 있다고 주장한다. 본고는 '엄한 아버지' 모델에 근거한 동일한 은유가 조지 H. 부시 대통령의 걸프전 연설문과 조지 W. 부시 대통령의 이라크전 연설문에 공통적으로 사용되고 있음을 확인하였다.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.102-121
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• 2021

금융지리학은 시대의 요구에 따라 끊임없이 진화하는 경제지리학의 분과학문이다. 이 논문에서는 오늘날 금융지리학의 모습을 형성한 세 시기의 주요 '물결'을 살펴 정리한다. 1990년대 이전까지 금융지리는 분과학문으로서의 정체성을 확립하지 못하고 마르크스주의 지리정치경제학에서 생산자본 축적의 부수적 현상인 것으로 이해되었다('제1의 물결'). 1990년대 담론, 실천, 행위주체성을 중시하는 문화적 전환과 포스트구조주의에 영향을 받으며 금융지리학은 하나의 분과학문으로 정립되기 시작했다('제2의 물결'). 2000년대 후반 글로벌 금융위기 이후에는 기존 문화경제지리학적 담론의 권력과 정치에 대한 무관심을 성찰하고 변화하려는 노력이 일고 있다. 문화경제지리학 관점의 '재정치화'는 신푸코주의에 입각한 통치성과 금융주체화에 대한 분석과 논의를 통해서 진행되고 있다('제3의 물결'). 이러한 물결들의 영향력 때문에 오늘날의 금융지리학은 서로 다른 사상적 기반, 분석의 수준과 대상, 주체에 대한 인식, 권력과 정치에 대한 이해, 금융화와 금융의 지리를 설명하는 방식이 공존하며 경합·경쟁하는 학문적 담론과 실천의 장이 되었다.