• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.7
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• pp.1-24
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• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.87-121
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• 2010

Soang excavates the idea of equality in our national indigenous thoughts and the theoretical structure of threefold egalitarianism in our traditional Confucianism. He also digests diverse Western thoughts and introduces some of them into his theory. At first sight, his theory looks like an assembly of diverse Western thoughts. However, he always justifies it with our traditions. Even if his theory and political position fails in his time, it gives us valuable instructions. First, if the failure of his political center position means an opening road toward Korean division, his political position must be a future guide for the reunification of Korean peninsula. Second, if the bi-polarization is a serious disease of our society, then his view of egalitarianism must be a efficient guide for curing our society. Third, as European Union shows us, the kingly view of world family is a feasible guide for realizing world peace in future.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.2 no.4
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• pp.228-247
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• 2015

Politics is defined as who gets what, when, and how. Communication is defined as the process, outcomes and effects of message transmission through a medium. Thus political communication in Asia, the most dynamic and uncertain region of the world, has been very dense, requiring rigorous scientific analysis and culturally sensitive reflection. Mass media brought about a revolution in political communication in the last century. In the 21st century, complex monitory devices from the state and international organizations and from the society and transnational groups have transformed the features of political communication. It has triggered another revolution in political communication. Illustrations are given focusing on Asia. A theoretical reflection from the angle of political science is attempted focusing on political communication medium and its effects. I compare no medium (face-to-face communication), mass media, and social media in relation to their effects.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.667-690
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• 2010

This essay attempts to read Percy Bysshe Shelley s The Mask of Anarchy by attending to a political agenda that Shelley seeks to propose and embody in the poem. This poem was written as a response to an exceptional political event, the Peterloo Massacre, and thus it is evident that Shelley intended to engage in contemporary politics by writing this poem. As many critics have pointed out, however, the way in which this poem addresses social, plitical issues is ambivalent and even confusing, since it contains many elements that contradict each other, and sometimes its political visions are based on incoherent conceptions. For this reason, this poem has been considered to be a failure as an occasional poem which should provide the reader with a clear direction for political actions. Faced with this critical problem, this essay proposes that the ambivalence this poem reveals-e.g., the confrontation between moderate artistic fantasy and radical tenets-is not a retreat from political activism, as some critics suggested, but a result of its creation and embodiment of a public sphere which invites various social classes and their positions. The mode in which Shelley conceives this unified public sphere in the course of writing The Mask of Anarchy can be interpreted in terms of the following three features. First, this poem underscores the significance of thoughts in constituting a communal space between people, thus asking the reader to participate in this process of thinking on given issues. Second, this poem suggests that people should enlighten each other by engaging in communicative reciprocations. Lastly, the public sphere formulated by the previous two features should incorporate various socio-political agents beyond class boundaries (even oppressors themselves) into its own working field. After explaining how these three features are manifested in the poem, this essay argues that the unified public sphere thus formed in the poem is the very agenda that Shelley aims to propose for the contemporaneous politics and culture. As a conclusion, this essay highlights how Shelley s project of creating a unified public sphere finally failed in contemporary history through observing two contrasting receptions of Shelley s works.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.37-63
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• 2002

The previous study has assumed that dialogue and debate could not have been activated by the hierachical Confucian norm and political authoritarianism in Korean society. Political democracy has developed in Korean society since 1987. But many observers have pointed out that the culture of debate still remained undeveloped in Korean society. This study assumes that the key factor of determining the quantity and frequency of debate is the polilitical factor such as authoritarianism, but the determining one of qualitative dimension such as debate competence derived from the epistemological tradition. In order to ascertian this hypothesis, this study explored the epistemological basis of Confucian thoughts in comparison with the classical Greek thoughts. In classical Greek society, philosophers considered that the purpose of debate is to find and to ascertain the truth. Bur Confucian scholors didn't look upon questioning the truth. Instead they considered practicing or doing of the truth worthful. Therefore, in a society which were much influenced by the Confucian thought, the culture of debate could not have been developed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.13-24
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• 2003

The modern landscape architectural profession and education of Korea was established in the early 1970s. The former president Park Chung-Hee was a main axis in this process of establishment. This paper critically examines Park Chung-Hee's thoughts on landscape architecture. It can show us the functional relationship between his thoughts and the beginning of the history of modem landscape architecture in Korea. The close relationship between Park Chung-Hee and Korean landscape architecture can be interpreted as double sides. First, landscape architecture was a matter of great interest for Park Chung-Hee. His involvement of landscape architecture went well beyond that of an amateur. Second, landscape architecture was a strategic instrument for practicing his political policy of economic development and nationalism. There are three remarkable tendencies in his thoughts on landscape architecture. First, he regarded that the main role of landscape architecture was to cover and to decorate damaged sites. Second, he had a contradictory notion of tradition and history. Last, the European pastoral ideal was his criterion for the beauty of landscape. His thoughts on landscape architecture were an amalgamation of these three contradictory ideas, and it has left some controversial inheritances for contemporary landscape architecture.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.66 no.7
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• pp.154-170
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• 2016

The female leadership styles in the 21st century have been established as a major axis. Especially, the fashion of female politicians being exposed to the public during political activities has become a main element of a measure displaying visually female leadership styles in the 21st century and image making as well. Consequently, this study conducted qualitative research through the interview method to figure out regular voters' thoughts in depth about images being required for female political leaders and the fashion maximizing those images, and drew the detailed design elements. Suggesting the clothes design reflecting those elements for female political leaders by 3D virtual clothing works emerging as a new market creating profits related to fashion. The images which female political leaders have to have and were extracted through the interviews in this study, showed as feminine, strong leader, honest, and intelligent images, and also it was shown that female political leaders displaying proper images depending on the circumstances and using those images in politics rather than sticking to a fashion identity were favored by interviewees. The present study intends to contribute to being used as basic data of various research and fashion items of virtual reality and establishment of successful fashion strategy for female political leaders.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.12 no.10
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• pp.4348-4353
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• 2011

This paper is based on the Cognitive Linguistics point of view on metaphor. Metaphors are not a matter of language use or rhetorics but of a conceptual frame, where thoughts work. The conceptual frames can highlight one aspect affecting our lives while hiding the other aspect of the facts. Politicians use metaphors to persuade people and justify their political decisions. Lakoff argues that the Republicans in the U.S. have their own conceptual framework based on the 'strict father model' of the conservatives, which can be found in important political speeches. Political metaphors supporting this view are found in the 'Attack on Iraq Speech' by G. H. Bush in 1991 and 'Operation Iraqi Freedom Address' by G. W. Bush in 2003.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.102-121
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• 2021

Financial geography is an evolving subdiscipline in economic geography. This paper identifies and reviews three important 'waves' constitutive of the current state of financial geography: including the 'first' wave before 1990s when finance was regarded as a byproduct of the over-accumulation process in production sphere in the Marxist geographical political economy tradition; the 'second' wave in the mid-1990s during which financial geography was firmly established as a subdiscipline, influenced by the cultural turn and poststructuralist thoughts; and the most recent 'third' wave after the 2008~2009 global financial crisis that urged financial geographers to take power and politics more seriously and 're-politicize' with the analytical ideas of governmentality and financial subjectification from a neo-Foucauldian perspective. These waves have helped financial geography become a practice-oriented academic discourse, in which different philosophical thoughts, foci of analytical level and object, renditions of the subject, perceptions of power and politics, and geographies of finance and financialization coexist and also compete and contest one another.