• STI Policy Review
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2011

Korea is examining how to coordinate its S&T policies and solidify its position as a leader of infrastructure innovation policy that forms the foundation for many different policies. A number of questions have been raised, such as whether to install a superior coordinating body like the National Science and Technology Council (NSTC) or separate the budget allocation and coordination authority from the budget-planning ministry. Korea has tried using various institutional coordination devices and functions such as reorganizing its administrative ministries based on related functions and installing or reinforcing a superior coordinating body. In line with these discussions, the strengthening of the S&T policy coordination function through the NSTC is currently under review. In order to design an effective S&T coordination system in step with changing political and social demands, it is important to have a clear recognition of the current context as well as the unique institutional characteristics of Korea. This study examines the evolution of Korea's S&T policy coordination systems and analyzes its features.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.237-258
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• 2021

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the risks of an over-concentration of supply chains in one country. It has motivated stakeholders to pursue diversification strategies. However, a paradox exists. Stakeholders have shied away from a complete decoupling and preferring to selectively enhance economic ties with China. This article explores this paradox by examining supply chain concentration in China as a form of asymmetric interdependence and the countermeasures from the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India to minimize vulnerabilities. It argues that while the COVID-19 disruptions have brought to light the risk of supply chain overconcentration in China, countermeasures are also driven by coercive diplomacy and the deepening U.S.-China rivalry. The paper also examines the feasibility of diversification efforts by focusing on the capacity and capabilities of alternative supply chain hubs. It finds that while states are actively seeking ways to prevent China from using asymmetric interdependence of supply chains and trade to gain political leverage, there are structural limits to the degree of diversification in the short to mid-term.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.138-156
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• 2021

The aim of this article is to describe direction of Sino-Russian relations toward a new epoch - as the decision-making centers of both countries define them - indicating the commitment to building the future international order. It includes the synthesis of evolution of relations, descriptions of cooperation building of mutual confidence by both sides in variety of institutions; analyses of geo-economic relations emphasizing their geostrategic dimension and finally dynamics showing how two great powers want to achieve new areas of cooperation focused on building multipolar world order which is the essence of "new epoch". The argument goes towards recognizing the relationship as a "hhybrid alliance". This hybridity is a structural factor that can constrain the use of new dimensions of asymmetric interdependence as political leverage especially by United States against the two non-western powers but also facilitate to use it against West.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The paper discusses how the new EU Strategy towards Central Asia issued in May 2019 might be analyzed through the lens of the intensely debated transformations from the liberal to a post-liberal international order. The author claims that the EU's normative power is transforming from the post-Cold War predominantly liberal/ value-based approach, with democracy and human rights at its core, to a set of more technical tools and principles of good governance and effective management of public administration. The paper problematizes a nexus between the dynamics of the EU's nascent post-liberalism and the geopolitical challenges of the EU's growing engagement with illiberal regimes, focuses on direct encounters between the post-liberal EU and the illiberal elites in Central Asia, and seeks to find out the impact of these connections upon the EU's international subjectivity. In this context geopolitical dimensions of EU foreign and security policies, along with the specificity of the EU's geopolitical actorship in Central Asia, are discussed.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-59
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to clarify why Russia has changed its position on the Caspian Sea Convention to allow cross-Caspian routes. The theory that explains Russia's change of position on Eurasian integration suggests isolation from the West and rising political and economic importance in the Asia-Pacific as cause, but fails to explain the cause of the change in position that could allow Western influence. Thus, this article suggests that a change in Russia's perception on expanding Eurasia's influence as the cause of the change on its position on the Caspian Sea.

• The Journal of Economics, Marketing and Management
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.6-9
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• 2019

Purpose - This research mainly studied with the promotion of "one belt and one road "initiative's strategy and the construction of China, Japan and South Korea Free Trade Zone, China exports urgently needed industrial products to Japan and South Korea, which will not only help digest excess industrial capacity, optimize China's industrial structure, but also promote the economic development of Japan and South Korea. Research design, data, and Methodology - The study conducted a survey on 2018 year new revision of China-Korea Japan's data. Results -This study shows that In this process, multinational enterprises, as pioneers of economic development, play an irreplaceable role. However, due to the differences between laws of different countries and their own corporate culture concepts, enterprises in different countries will inevitably encounter various conflicts in the process of development. Conclusions -This requires our enterprises to have awareness of legal risk prevention in the process of development, and to study the corporate culture of relevant enterprises to truly achieve win-win cooperation.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.271-301
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• 2024

Diplomatic relations between the United Arab Emirates and Indonesia have been going on for almost five decades. However, the cooperation between the two countries was still very limited at the beginning of diplomatic relations. As time went by, this cooperation began to expand, especially after Jokowi's visit to the United Arab Emirates in 2015. After this visit, the United Arab Emirates also showed increased interest in Indonesia and started to aggressively exercise soft power in Indonesia. Agreement after agreement have been signed, not only in the economic, political, and security sectors, but also in other areas. This phenomenon of increasing cooperation is one form of success in the soft power exercised by the United Arab Emirates towards Indonesia. Therefore, this research will look at the United Arab Emirates' soft power strategy towards Indonesia from 2015-2022. The concept developed by Joshua Kurlantzick is used to analyze using four important indicators that include educational cooperation, religious exchanges, humanitarian assistance, as well as cultural exchanges.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.100-120
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• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.65-103
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• 2015

This study is an attempt to look into the future role of the ROKN and to provide a strategic way forward with a special focus on naval strategic concept and force planning. To accomplish this goal, this research takes four sequential steps for analysis: 1) assessing the role and utility of naval power of ROKN since its foundation back in 1945; 2) forecasting features of various maritime threats to influence the security of Korea in the future directly or indirectly; 3) identifying the roles to be undertaken by future ROKN; and 4) recommending Korean way of naval force planning and the operational concept of naval power. This study seeks to show that ROKN needs comprehensive role to better serve the nation with respect to national security, national prosperity and development, and future battle-space management. To safeguard the national security of Korea, it suggests three roles: 1) national guard for the peaceful unification; 2) protector of the maritime sovereignty; and 3) suppressor to maritime threats. Three more roles are highlighted for national prosperity: 1) escort of the national economy; 2) guardian for national maritime activities; and 3) contributor to the world peace. These roles need to be closely connected with the role for the battle-space management. This paper addresses the need for a dramatic shift of the central operational domain from land to maritime in the future. This will eventually offer future ROKN a leading role for developing strategic concept and force planning rather than merely a supporting one. This study finally suggests 'balanced' strategy both in concept development and force planning. A balanced force planning is a 'must' rather than an 'option' when considering a division of function between Task Fleets and Area Fleets, constructing cutting-edge conventional forces such as Aegis destroyer, CVs, or submarines, and the mix of high-profile platform and low-profile when composing future fleets. A 'balance' is also needed in operational concept. The fleet should be prepared to fulfill its missions based on two different types of force operation i.e., coercive or cooperative application of the utility of naval force. The findings and recommendations of the study are relevant today, and will be increasingly important in the future to achieve various political goals required by enhancing the utility of naval power.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.171-182
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• 2014

As several kinds of social public affairs come into the fore, public service advertising gets more important. In addition, the theme of the public service advertising differs depending on a country's political, economic, social and cultural characteristics, and there are unique public service advertising operating systems. This study assumed that the operating systems of the public service advertising might differ in Korea and China because of political, social, and cultural differences. Thus, the public service advertising operating system carried out by KOBACO and CCTV, the subjects of the public service advertising operation of Korea and China were classified into three categories (public service advertising operation status, public service advertising theme and public service advertising management and supervision) for a comparison. Through literature review and expert in-depth interview, data were collected and analyzed. Based on the data, 5 public service advertising development policies were proposed. The results of this study will contribute to the public service advertising production strategy and institutional development of Korea and China in the future.