• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.87-92
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• 2018

This paper aims to investigate political stances of news producers or news organizations by analyzing editorials from two Korean newspapers, Chosun Ilbo and the Hankyoreh, which are totally different in ideology, both qualitatively and quantitatively. In particular, the headlines from 16 editorials and 14 editorials from the two newspapers respectively published from May 28 to June 27 were analyzed in terms of political stances to a U.S-North Korea Summit. Moreover, two editorials published right after the U.S-North Summit were quantitatively analyzed within Martin and White (2005)'s framework. As a result, it was found that Chosun ilbo showed a negative stance to the summit by employing the 'feeling' factor within an attitude component most frequently, whereas the Hankyoreh was overwhelmingly positive toward the issue and the dialogue expansion factor within an engagement component is most frequently used to deliver its positive stance toward the issue.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.117-122
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• 2019

This paper aims to investigate ideological preferences of news media outlets by looking at the news coverage of North Korea-Russia summit in April, 2019. The meeting has gained attention in South Korea, China, Japan and America in that the historical meeting will reflect the future direction for denuclearization on the Korean peninsular and the peace in the world. Given this, in particular, a special attention is paid to the editorials and headlines of news articles reported in two Korean quality newspapers, DongA Ilbo and Hankyoreh because both are quality newspapers, but are ideologically different. To achieve objectivity and fairness, the same issues dealt with during the summit were compared and analyzed within Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal framework. As a result, it was found that in editorials of DongA Ilbo showed a negative stance to the summit by employing the 'attitude' factor, whereas the Hankyoreh was overwhelmingly positive toward the issue, also by employing the 'attitude' factor. The political stance is likely to be in line with those shown in the headlines of news articles from each newspaper. That is, it is clear that each news outlet shows its ideological stances to news consumers through linguistic expressions, in that both editorials and the headlines of news articles express their political preferences to the summit by means of linguistic appraisals.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.215-233
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• 2016

In 2003, the differing stances about the war in Iraq created a major diplomatic crisis among European countries. Considering various clues which have steadily emerged, this paper refutes the relevance of the debate about weapons of mass destruction and analyses the real motivations for these distinct positions through Europe: the role of the US in the transatlantic relationship, expectations towards the EU and the weight of public opinion. Then, it examines how these intrinsic divergences of political views and interests explain the difficulties encountered in implementing the European Security and Defence Policy and concludes on the keys issues which need to be addressed.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.137-154
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• 2021

Due to her successful novel Little Women (1869), Louisa May Alcott has generally become known as a writer of sentimental fiction. However, her thrillers demonstrate her keen insights into domestic and international issues. Alcott's so-called "left hand" shows her stances on political and historical issues in America as well as in Europe and Asia. Particularly, Alcott's supporting voice for women against social prejudices is metaphorically portrayed in "A Whisper in the Dark" (1861). Interestingly, in the story Alcott displays her knowledge of the drug trades and the cultural effects of white male colonizers exploiting other peoples and countries around the globe, which were issues that she had learned about from neighboring intellectuals and newspapers. In the paper, I examine Alcott's radical views on gender equality, chauvinistic attitudes, and transnational politics in the mid-nineteenth century.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.43-78
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• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.