• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.105-131
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• 2015

This article is based on a research conducted from 2009 to 2012, on the political disputes in Thailand. During the data collections periods, it was common to hear the frustration, bitterness and anger, expressed by the Redshirts, especially those who lived in the northeast and northern regions. Coming from the said research, this paper will examine the relationship between emotions and rights. According to the sociology of emotions, there are connections between macrolevel social processes and the arousal of emotions. Emotions arising from macrostructural processes may affect individuals at the microlevel, prompting them into actions collectively. In addition, expressions of resentment and articulation for vengeance can be interpreted as the emotions related to the awareness of rights, which may include the rights to one's needs and the access to resources that fulfill such needs. It will demonstrate how emotions, political demonstrations and the increasing awareness of rights, are related.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.131-154
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• 2023

This study investigates the productivity of Indonesian social scientists during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a particular concentration on their contributions to COVID-19 prevention and management. By categorizing social science research according to themes such as authors' gender, authors' institution of origin, forms of collaboration, and journal quality, this study examines the patterns and factors that influence research output. Using information from the Scopus database, 1,071 journal articles were analyzed in total. The findings indicate that collaborations with foreign researchers considerably improve productivity and publication quality, with Malaysian and Australian institutions serving as the most active partners. Nevertheless, there are gender disparities, as female authors write and are cited less frequently than male authors. The study stresses the importance of increasing international collaboration among Indonesian authors and implementing affirmative action policies to support and empower female researchers. This study contributes to the existing body of knowledge by providing policymakers, funding agencies, and academic institutions with recommendations for fostering a more inclusive and influential research environment in Indonesia.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.475-483
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• 2018

The purpose of this study to understand the vocational education of China and to analyze the developing process of vocational education in China. Recently, the major countries of the world of modern society has its government leaders is how much to foster creativity and the rise and fall depending on whether they really value is determined claims. There are 1327 Tertiary Vocational Colleges, with 10 million students in 2015. Together with 14million secondary vocational education students, China owns the largest scale of vocational education in the world. China has not fully established a modern market. Under the economy, the enterprise was the administrative adjunct of the state, and the enterprise was the social and political production function, and the political ethics prevailed that ethics. Literature review and historial approach were utilized as the methodology for this study. The system of vocational education in China is composed of elementary, secondary, and higher stage. The vocational education in China has been developed flexibly along with the social change while keeping the main philosophy of Chinese socialism. The main factors to bring about the change of vocational education in China is, political and philosophical, economical change.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.193-230
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• 2002

Issues regarding "generation" are facing a renaissance during recent years. One of prevailing reasons for this development is the crisis of collective identities due to diverse contemporary socio-political circumstances and cultural characteristics of Korean society. However, it is often criticized that the sociological examination of this topic is rather in a obscure stage resulting from the inherent confusion and ambiguities mainly caused by the mixed usage of the concept. In this regard, this study explores the possibility of answering these critics and refining the systemic usage for the sociology of generation in the realm of social changes and social innovations. For this purpose, analytical classification of the concept based on various contextual typology are attempted.attempted.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.145-152
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• 2013

This paper addresses the relationship between public housing tenure and social disadvantage. The research examines social capital levels among public tenants in Australia, concentrating on their level of interpersonal trust and confidence in a range of public institutions. Through multivariate analyses of national survey data it also profiles the social and political background of public housing tenants. Although public housing tenants have access to secure and affordable housing, they appear to be less trusting and 'happy' than private renters or homeowners, and exhibit less confidence in some institutions such as the Australian parliament, universities and the ABC (the Australian public television broadcaster). These results probably reflect the residualised nature of public housing in Australia and indicate that public tenants are likely to be 'alienated' from certain aspects of mainstream culture. However, public tenants have higher levels of confidence than homeowners in the Australian defence forces and trade unions. So public housing may 'shore up' confidence and social capital in some areas, and levels of trust would be lower if public housing was not available to disadvantaged citizens.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.875-885
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• 2018

This study analyzed the major issues of the Candlelight Rally and Taegukgi Rally registered in news comments of the politics section of the portal site from October 24, 2016 to March 19, 2017. We examined the political recognition of the two rallies with the Named Entity Recognition. The main analytical items are the responsibility for impeachment, the subject and method of settlement, and other major issues. As a result of the analysis, the comments of the Candlelight Rally focused on the impeachment support and the legal penalties of the regime ministers, and insisted on resolving the political situation through the next election after impeachment. The comments of the Taegukgi Rally focused on the rejection of the impeachment to maintain the regime and insisted on rejecting the impeachment of the Constitutional Court. The conflicts between the group that supported Candlelight Rallis and the group that supported Taegukgi rallies are predicted to last at least for the time being (Park Geun-hye's trial period) after the presidential election. After the impeachment of the President and replacement of the regime this conflict will develop into the confrontation between the pursuit of liquidation and new politics and the attempt to influence the trial of Park Geun-hye. Therefore, the efforts to integrate society in the aftermath are necessary.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.61-89
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• 2023

This research explores the fall of pre-independence Sultanates and its continued political, economic, and cultural influence in post-colonial Indonesia. By using qualitative and historical methods, this paper compares the Sultanates of Mataram in Yogyakarta and Al-Kadrie in Pontianak, which represent different historical paths supporting the struggle for independence during the mid-20th century. Sultan Hamid II of the Al-Kadrie was a supporter of federalism whereas Sultan Hamengkubowono IX of Yogyakarta was an advocate of the republican system. Eventually, Indonesia became a Republic, and the idea of federalism was sidelined, which led to the abolition of sultanates in the rise of the = Indonesian nation-state, except for the Sultanate of Yogyakarta. After the 1998 Reform, the current development of democracy created political opportunities for the Al-Kadrie to reclaim its authority through engagement with various civic organizations. Meanwhile, the Sultanate of Yogyakarta faces internal friction because of succession concerns.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.73-107
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• 2016

The general programming channels, newly introduced around the beginning of the 2010s, have grown into powerful journalistic agencies, the far-reaching social influences of which are not confined by the economic effects within the South Korean media industry. They are now rendered to become part of major socio-political institutions that try to secure their privileges based on broadcast journalism, and to widen their business opportunities through those special kind of social practices. This research has taken a path of theoretical endeavour to devise a conceptual framework that will effectively lead to a series of academic investigation into the socio-political characteristics of general programming channels. To this end, specific attention is paid to such theoretical and conceptual resources as the instrumentalization of media by the politics, the political sociology of media power, media-political parallelism, and the structural coupling between the political and the media systems. This paper suggests that general programming channels have emerged as a new interface that accommodates and actualizes the structural coupling between the two societal subsystems, and in the course of that, they undercut the vulnerable basis of media public sphere, effectively replacing it with entertaining media-political sphere constructed and managed by themselves. This sphere is where the media system's logic and the poltical system's logic are intertwined, simutaneously accelerating not only the mediatization of the politics but also the politicization of the media.