• Journal of Urban Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.41-49
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• 2020

This study analyzed the factors affecting economic growth using multiple regression model and Geographically Weighted Regression in consideration of population, industry and employment, housing and political characteristics on economic growth by region. The analysis results are summarized as follows. First, the total employment growth rate, manufacturing employment growth rate, local election turnout and the level of party consensus between the central and local governments are having a positive impact on regional economic growth. Second, according to the GWR analysis, the population has a positive impact on economic growth in the southern region of Korea, and the increase in the total number of employees has a positive impact on the southern region of Gyeonggi Province, Gangwon Province, North Chungcheong Province and North Gyeongsang Province. Finally, the voter turnout of urbanites is positively affecting economic growth in South Chungcheong Province, Gangwon Province and the southern coast, while North Jeolla and South Jeolla provinces have a positive impact on economic growth as the parties of the central and local governments are equal. The results of this study may suggest the role of local government for regional economic development.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-25
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• 2013

For the Palestinians, what is the impact of the Arab Spring? The revolution not only dislodged Mubarak from the presidency, but also changed Egyptian policy regarding Palestinians in Gaza. New Egyptian diplomacy has encouraged Hamas and Fatah, which had been in dispute, to seek reconciliation and has loosened the border control on humanitarian grounds. We focus on Palestinian voting attitudes in the wake of the Arab Spring. Despite the vast quantity of literature written about Palestinian politics since the first decade of the millennium, we know little about the determinants of Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah government, in the West Bank, increased in popularity after submitting a request for UN recognition of Palestinian statehood. In Gaza, the Hamas government lost popularity because of mismanagement but won support through the success of its prisoner swap deal with Israel. However, evaluation of the ruling party does not depend only on one-time events. This research attempts to measure the impact of policy change in Gaza after the Arab Spring. We provide an account of our research on Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments based on two sets of the original survey data conducted in May 2009 and June 2012. The paper sheds light on Palestinian attitudes and makes clear the effects of "democratization" in the Middle East and the effects of regional context factors on the occupied Palestinians.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.165-175
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• 2011

To make the political party as active and flexible party in the smart society, many things of the party have to be changed. At first to achieve Smart citizens party, it is needed to make the regional office of the party as the smart center and change homepage of the party to active and dynamic web page. And also Parties have to act policy as fun and flexible act, because of the social changes by smart devices.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.439-452
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• 2023

Purpose: This study aimed to derive considerations for the enactment of nursing law by analyzing the trends and social perceptions of nursing law mentioned in major daily newspapers, cafes, and blogs. Methods: Main texts and comments that included nursing law as a keyword were collected from major daily news and online postings from January 2021 to August 2022. The data collected through web crawling were analyzed using a TousFlux program used for big data analysis. Results: During the period of study, the awareness level around nursing law enactment increased. In particular, public concern over nursing law enactment intensified due to the two political parties' policy pledges related to nursing law in January 2022 and the failure to introduce the nursing law to the national assembly judiciary committee in May 2022. Except in December 2021, public perception of nursing law enactment was generally favorable, with public opinion tilting more in favor of than against enactment. Conclusion: Public opinion should be considered when drafting and implementing the nursing law to make it easier for the people to understand what the law constitutes. In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to and continuously promote the relationship between medical care and nursing in the nursing law system of developed nations. Lastly, nursing law enactment can enhance nurses' retention intention and provide a sense of efficacy to medical services.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.69-101
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to verify that voting behavior of congressmen can vary depending on the different candidate selection methods of political parties. Specifically, this paper examines whether congressmen elected through a primary tend to deviate from the party line vote in the floor voting, compared to those who did not. As a result, it was founded that congressmen who went through competition of the primary are more likely to defect from the party line vote than who did not. This empirical evidence suggests that if the introduction of the open primary system is further expanded in the future, it may lead to weakening of party cohesion and reinforcing lawmakers' autonomy.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.175-203
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• 2024

With the enactment of international free trade and economic agreements and cooperation, BIMP-EAGA is an opportunity to accelerate development and economic growth in eastern Indonesia. This subregional cooperation could be used to reduce the development gap or inequality between the western and eastern regions, which are geographically, demographically, and economically different. This cooperation also may accelerate development in the border area. This study analyzes Indonesia's policies related to connectivity in BIMP-EAGA subregional cooperation and its implementation. The study results show that the National Secretariat of Sub-Regional Economic Cooperation has encouraged cooperation clusters ranging from natural resources, transportation, infrastructure, ICT, and tourism to MSMEs. In terms of connectivity, Indonesia is also involved in the development program of three economic corridors, namely West Borneo, East Borneo, and Sulu-Sulawesi. Indonesia's involvement in the three corridors has boosted the connectivity of Indonesia's territory, especially border areas, with neighboring countries. Connectivity has covered not only physical but also institutional and people-to-people dimensions. However, there are still several challenges, ranging from the standardization of the Customs, Immigration, and Quarantine (CIQ) mechanisms, improvement of institutional quality, and consistent strong political will among the involved parties. In addition, considering the vulnerability of the BIMP subregion to transnational crimes and acts of radical terrorism, BIMP-EAGA needs to think about solutions to overcome these cross-border security problems so that the momentum of development in the subregion may be sustained.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.3-26
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• 1990

Encouraged by the investment in the rice paddy, the introduction of new varieties (Tong-Il), and the price support program, there has been great success in increasing rice production. Meanwhile, the demand for rice has decreased rapidly as per capita income continues to rise. Rice self-sufficiency has been attained, and a new over-supply problem is emerging. Moreover, the Uruguay Round Agricultural Negotiation would prohibit government price support for agricultural products. In October the Korean government decides the government purchase amount and support price, which works as the price guideline. All interested parties exert political efforts to influence the decision. The continued increase of the government purchase price of rice due to political pressure pushed the government purchase price above the market wholesale price in 1988. Also, the farmers preferred to sell to the government than to the wholesaler. This has discouraged the market mechanism, and the government is to take over the three functions of the market mechanism: stockpiling, seasonal price fluctuation adjustment, and circulation. Another big increase may cause the government purchase price to rise above the consumer price, which might lead to arbitrage opportunities for the farmers and suffocate the market mechanism. However, the current political situations limits the options for the Korean government. This paper argues that a supply control policy will reduce the social cost resulting from the high level of producer price support, and it proposes several second best policies: First, the production of new varieties should be reduced rapidly. Second, the old rice in the government warehouse should be auctioned or disposed of in order to reduce the government handling and management costs. Third, the acreage diversion program should be launched in order to control rice paddy acreage. Fourth, a social welfare program in rural areas should be introduced, since the share of population over 60 is increasing rapidly. Fifth, instead of the price support which is forbidden by the Uruguay Round, Korea should restructure the agricultural industry by developing new crops, by enhancing productivity and by improving the agricultural infrastructure.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.427-451
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is (1) to contrast the welfare state formation in Korea with that in Western European nations, and (2) to examine the historical peculiarities of the Korean welfare state formation process. For the analysis, this study uses' contrast of context' logic of comparative history and contrast the process of (1)modern state formation (2) civil society development (3) interventionist state evolution of Korea with those of Western European nations. The findings of this study are as follows: First, the distingushing role of nation state as welfare provider is very different. It is attributed to the difference in the traditional dominance structure and in the nation-bulding process of each case. Second, class cleavage of the Western Eeuropean nations has been continually mobilized for political action and converted into political resources, while it is impossible to achieve such results in Korea which has continued labor excusive regime. Third, the institutionalization patterns of welfare politics are different. In Western Eeuropean nations, public welfare benefits have been able to produce welfare coalitions and politics of solidarity. By contrast, since welfare have been thoroughly depoliticized and informalized in Korea, voters and political parties have not been able to make issues of welfare problem Due to these historical peculiarities, it seems to be impossible that Korea's underdeveloped public welfare could be changeable in near future.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.117-167
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• 2009

Assemblypersons' activities have organizational and individual nature. The activities of assemblypersons and their assistant staffs become a motive for major work performance of Korean legislature, and are also critical public services affecting contemporary political history, history of political parties and history of assemblyperson's hometown. Moreover, their activities are also characterized by work performance in favor of assemblyperson's personal interests to effectively communicate his or her achievements during term of office to electors with a view to winning reelection after the end of 4-year term of office. Assemblyperson's organization produces various types of record in the performance of these works. From the viewpoint of public archive as a product of assemblypersons' public service performance and from their own personal viewpoints, they can create their own identity by arranging their personal records that can demonstrate their own political philosophy, policy orientation, achievements during term of office, and personal features. In addition, their personal records can have much more values and significance in the sense that those records are available to electors to make it possible to highlight their own images in objective and reliable manner. Conclusively, this study underlined that the efforts for assemblypersons and their assistant staffs to keep their records well could be helpful to streamline their internal works and be also helpful for personal interests of assemblypersons. And this study proposed procedures and methods for deducing and screening a list of production archives to meet a viewpoint of streamlined internal works and needs for keeping personal records, ultimately with a view to giving practical helps for these works.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-70
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• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.