• 디지털콘텐츠학회 논문지
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• 제18권6호
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• pp.1091-1099
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• 2017

본 연구는 정치수업에서 학습자들의 몰입도와 흥미를 향상시키기 위한 도구로써 영화라는 콘텐츠를 활용하고자 하였다. 영화는 인간 사이에 오고 가는 정보를 전파하기에 가장 일반적이고 강력한 영향력을 가진 수단 중 하나이면서, 대중들에게 가장 쉽게 노출되어 있기 때문에 학습의 보조수단으로써 그 접근성이 용이하다. 특히 시각적 이미지화의 인식은 사고의 인식보다 쉽고 빠르게 진행된다는 과학적 근거에서 볼 때, 영화를 통해서 정치현상을 이해하는 것은 활자의 정치현상보다 높은 이해도와 몰입도를 가져와 그 효과는 배가 될 수 있다. 무엇보다도 영화는 이데올로기화 되어 사람의 마음속에 침투시킴으로써 공론화되기도 하며, 역사적 사건이 영화 속에서 재현되기도 한다. 마찬가지로 정치도 당대의 지배 신념이나 사상의 역할을 바탕으로 하여 다양한 인간행위의 집단을 정당화하기 위한 여론을 형성하기도 하며, 이에 따라 오늘날의 정치현상들도 새롭게 등장하는 것이 아니라 과거의 역사적 경험들이 재현화 된다는 것을 보여주기도 한다. 이를 바탕으로 현대의 한국정치사에서 논의되는 주제들을 영화라는 콘텐츠와 연결하여 논의하고자 한다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권2호
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.41-63
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• 2016

Energy policy is known to have higher path dependency among policy fields (Kuper and van Soest, 2003; OECD, 2012; Kikkawa, 2013) and is a critical component of the infrastructure development undertaken in the early stages of nation building. Actor roles, such as those played by interest groups, are firmly formed, making it unlikely that institutional change can be implemented. In resource-challenged Japan, energy policy is an especially critical policy area for the Japanese government. In comparing energy policy making in Japan and Germany, Japan’s policy community is relatively firm (Hartwig et al., 2015), and it is improbable that institutional change can occur. The Japanese government’s approach to energy policy has shifted incrementally in the past half century, with the most recent being the 2012 implementation of the “Feed-In Tariff Law” (Act on Special Measures Concerning Procurement of Renewable Electric Energy by Operators of Electric Utilities), which encourages new investment in renewable electricity generation and promotes the use of renewable energy. Yet, who were the actors involved and the factors that influenced the establishment of this new law? This study attempts to assess the factors associated with implementing the law as well as the roles of the relevant major actors. In answering this question, we focus on identifying the policy networks among government, political parties, and interest groups, which suggests that success in persuading key economic groups could be a factor in promoting the law. Our data is based on the “Global Environmental Policy Network Survey 2012-2013 (GEPON2)” which was conducted immediately after the March 11, 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake with respondents including political parties, the government, interest groups, and civil society organizations. Our results suggest that the Feed in Tariff (FIT) Law’s network structure is similar to the information network and support network, and that the actors at the center of the network support the FIT Law. The strength of our research lays in our focus on political networks and their contributing mechanism to the law’s implementation through analysis of the political process. From an academic perspective, identifying the key actors and factors may be significant in explaining institutional change in policy areas with high path dependency. Close examination of this issue also has implications for a society that can promote renewable and sustainable energy resources.

• 수산해양교육연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.44-55
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• 2012

The aqua-pet industry has been growing rapidly in the world's developed countries as well as Japan and Europe, but it was a small scale in compared with fisheries part, and political interest came mainly limited to food industry and research in Korea so that it has not been activated. Recently, a paradigm change for fisheries policy bring to have a interest in the aqua-pet industry as future growth power source. Therefore, this study shows that the advanced aqua-pet industry of Japan would be researched and analyzed in historical background, national interest and current aquarium market scale in order to predict the domestic aqua-pet industry rapidly developed in Korea.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• 이베로아메리카
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

최근 라틴아메리카의 우경화 과정에서 보수적인 오순절교회의 정치 참여가 크게 부각되고 있다. 이 글은 브라질 사례를 중심으로, 이러한 정치 참여가 민주주의와 그 발전에 끼치는 영향에 주목한다. 먼저 오순절교회들은 성장과 확산을 통해 가톨릭 중심의 독점적 구도를 무너뜨리고 종교적 다원화에 크게 기여했지만, 자신과 다른 종교나 이념에 대한 배타적이고 공격적 태도를 보인다, 또한 주요한 참여 형태인 공식 후보와 관련하여 지도부의 일방적인 결정에 다수의 신자들은 정치적으로 동원되고, 이렇게 당선된 후보자는 공익보다는 지도부의 지도하에 자신의 교단 또는 교회의 특수한 조합주의적 이해관계에 복무한다. 그리고 국회의원, 주의원 등 공직을 획득하려는 정치 참여의 목적도 그리스도교 왕국 재건이라는 특수한 종교적 이해나 가치의 직접적인 실현에 둠으로써 브라질의 민주주의 발전에 걸림돌로 작용한다.

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.27-35
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• 2015

Purpose - The study aims to investigate the effects of ethical management on corporate image and purchase intention. Research design, data, and methodology - The study employs monthly time series data from October 2013 to November 2013, analyzing variables to verify hypotheses. These concern three questions on marketing communication, five on public interest business activities, four on donation & sponsorship, two on donation & sponsorship activities, six on corporate image, four on volunteer service, and five on demographic characteristics. Results - Hypothesis 1, "Ethical management in marketing communication, public interest business, donation & sponsorship, and volunteer service positively affects corporate image," was partially adopted with significant regression of marketing communication, public interest business activity, and donation & sponsorship. Hypothesis 2, "Ethical management such as marketing communication, public interest business, donation & sponsorship, and volunteer service positively affects purchase intention," was partially adopted with significant regression of marketing communication and public interest business. Hypothesis 3, "Corporate image positively affects purchase intention," was adopted at significant regression. Conclusions - Ethical management influenced purchase intention and corporate image.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.20-43
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• 2017

While the Internet has been used to galvanise people for the collective good, many have voiced concerns over the noise and vitriol present online and polarisation. In Singapore where the government regulates traditional mainstream media such as print and broadcast, the online space has been described as a "Wild Wild West" rife with rumours, untruths and misinformation. Such developments do not only exert a potential negative effect on the deliberative nature of public discourse but also skew bias towards the online space, affecting the ability of online users to communicate with authority and power. This study seeks to examine the rationality of the cyberspace through using a new "rationality" framework to analyse political discourse online. Comprising objectivity, emotionality and partisanship, the rationality framework was applied to a content analysis of 197 blogs with political content in 2014. The analysis indicated that the online political space was not the Wild Wild West that it was touted to be with significant levels of objectivity and non-partisanship. There was a stark absence of emotional discourse, and relationships were observed between bloggers' anonymity and rationality. Cognisant of academia's and policymakers' interest on the quality and effects of online discourse, the proposed analytical framework and the study findings hold implications for both developed and developing countries.

• 무역학회지
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• 제45권1호
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• pp.155-171
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• 2020

In reality, there are numerous [Note: I advise to change the tone to being more certain, as opposed to offering a possibility. You need to emphasize the seriousness of the conditions that your study wants to talk about] non-tariff trade barriers under free trade agreements, with various stakeholders having different trade-off interests. This study focuses on the rules of origin verification and considers cases in which domestic firms, foreign firms, and domestic consumer groups compete politically for their rent protection in the domestic market. As in Gwande et al. (2006), cross-border lobbies are considered possible wherein foreign firms also lobby the government to influence the decision-making process of how stringently to verify the rules of origin. [Note: Starting here, switch to past tense because a: study intentions above can be in present tense, b: study procedures should be in past tense] In this study, we assumed that all stakeholders form interest groups and present political contributions to the government based on their interests. The stringency of the rules of origin verification was then determined through this political process, and we compared this to a socially optimal one in the analysis. It was found that the verification was less stringent when there was cross-border lobbying than the socially optimal one.

• 인문언어
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.183-201
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• 2002

Since the end of the Cold War, debate about the grand struggle between capitalism and communism has been largely replaced by debate about religious sectarianism. Some have even referred to a "clash of civilizations" in the wake of the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. This is in fact an old debate, but it has been given new life by arguments about globalization and economic development as envisioned by the West, and especially by the terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001. While the political right has had little difficulty treating religious belief as a fundamental human and social interest, much of the political left has remained committed to secular Enlightenment, even when it criticizes the hegemony of the West. The dispute depends upon competing notions of history, secularism, and progress, and ultimately on the possibility or desirability of universal solidarity. While for many a world unified by one religion may no longer make sense, the old Enlightenment dream that a single version of secular and universal reason will eventually prevail over religious difference may also need to be reconsidered. The process that we call secularization is neither as singular, nor as transparent, as we might think.