• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제9권4호
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• pp.419-429
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• 2022

The aim of this research is to examine how globalization affects coffee exports in the producing countries. This research used secondary data obtained from the International Coffee Organization, Pen World Table, World Bank, Food and Agricultural Organization, and KoF Globalization Index to achieve its goals. We used secondary data from 1990 to 2018 from various foreign databases. The research used a two-step system GMM (sys-GMM) to analyze the effect of globalization on coffee export in twenty-four producing countries. We found that export lag, gross domestic product (GDP), exchange rate, and the political globalization index (PGI) positively and significantly impact coffee exports. Meanwhile, coffee exports were unaffected by the level of export prices and the human capital index. Surprisingly, the trade globalization index has a negative impact on coffee exports. This demonstrates the unpreparedness of coffee-producing countries to face tough competition in trade globalization. The political globalization index, the final variable, has a positive impact on exports. With the opening up of world politics, it seems that the environment of democracy in producing countries is increasing. As a result, governments in these countries have adopted a policy of aggressively supporting coffee exports.

• 무역학회지
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• 제45권1호
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• pp.155-171
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• 2020

In reality, there are numerous [Note: I advise to change the tone to being more certain, as opposed to offering a possibility. You need to emphasize the seriousness of the conditions that your study wants to talk about] non-tariff trade barriers under free trade agreements, with various stakeholders having different trade-off interests. This study focuses on the rules of origin verification and considers cases in which domestic firms, foreign firms, and domestic consumer groups compete politically for their rent protection in the domestic market. As in Gwande et al. (2006), cross-border lobbies are considered possible wherein foreign firms also lobby the government to influence the decision-making process of how stringently to verify the rules of origin. [Note: Starting here, switch to past tense because a: study intentions above can be in present tense, b: study procedures should be in past tense] In this study, we assumed that all stakeholders form interest groups and present political contributions to the government based on their interests. The stringency of the rules of origin verification was then determined through this political process, and we compared this to a socially optimal one in the analysis. It was found that the verification was less stringent when there was cross-border lobbying than the socially optimal one.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.5-22
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• 2012

Although many system dynamists point out the close relationship between institutional economics and system dynamics, the relationship between institutional political theory and system dynamics approach is not explicitly appreciated yet. We developed a system dynamics model to investigate theoretical propositions of institutional politics. Our system dynamics model showed how the endogenous mechanism can explain the political changes as well as orders. Although simple in the causal structure, our model could show a complex behavior of political competition. Several simulation results imply that some unexpected changes in election and power competition may come from the endogenous system rather than from exogenous factors such as economic and environmental shocks.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제45권
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• pp.7-48
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• 2009

마르크스가 스스로 자신은 마르크스주의자가 아니라고 밝힌 것처럼 오늘날 마르크스주의의 위기는 결코 마르크스의 위기와 동의어가 될 수 없다. 마르크스주의의 위기는 마르크스의 방대한 이론 체계에서 일부분만 떼어 설명하는 데서 나타난 결과일 뿐이다. 이런 맥락에서 ‘마르크스주의 정치경제학’이 아닌 ‘마르크스의 정치경제학’이 재고될 필요가 있다. 마르크스는 독일 관념론, 프랑스 공산주의, 영국 고전파 경제학을 두루 섭렵했고, 이들을 종합하여 다수의 프롤레타리아가 더 인간답게 살 수 있는 길을 제시했다. 마르크스는 이를 위해 무엇이든 조사했으며, 무엇이든 알고자 했다. 이러한 학문적 자세는 복잡한 현대사회를 설명코자 할 때 반드시 필요하다. 그럼에도 현대의 학문은 분화.발전되어 소통 및 총체적 설명의 부재를 경험하고 있다. 따라서 본 논문은 마르크스주의 경제학과 신고전파 경제학의 소통 가능성을 검토함으로써 본연의 정치경제학을 되살리고자 했다. 이러한 연구목적을 위해 경제학사적 접근방법을 시도했고, 분석적 마르크스주의 시각을 도입했다. 분석적 마르크스주의는 신고전파 경제학은 물론 기존의 사회과학에서 발전되어 온 방법론을 총동 원하여 전통적인 마르크스주의 이론이 빠뜨렸던 현실과의 간격을 메우고자 했다. 그렇다고 이들의 작업이 모든 이들의 동의를 획득한 것도 아니며, 모든 것을 설명할 수 있다는 것은 더더욱 아니다. 결국 생산과 소비, 거시와 미시, 구조와 행위를 아우르는 이론체계를 정립하는 것이 정치경제학에 남겨진 과제이다. 이는 ‘미디어/커뮤니케이션 정치경제학’에도 해당된다. 특히 미디어/커뮤니케이션학 분야는 철학(미학), 인문학, 정치학, 경제학, 사회학, 공학까지 걸쳐 있고, 실재 미디어/커뮤니케이션 현상과 그와 관련된 정책 또한 다양한 정치경제적 역학구도 속에서 결정된다. 따라서 미디어/커뮤니케이션 정치경제학은 여전히 유효하며, 좀 더 많은 사람의 동의를 획득하기 위해 더 정교해질 필요가 있다. 모든 이론에 열린 자세를 가지고 학제 간 연구가 활성화된다면 미디어/커뮤니케이션 정치경제학의 설명력은 더 증대될 것이다.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.161-169
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• 2005

In recent days, most of the lagoons in Korea have been lost on account of indiscreet development and pollution. Thus, this study measures the conservation value of the Songji lagoon, a representative lagoon in Korea by using the contingent valuation (CV) method and specifies the non-use value of Songji lagoon. The survey was carefully desigrled and implemented to meet a number of recommendation rules suggested in the literature. The overall results show that the respondents well accepted the contingent market and would be willing to pay a significant amount for the proposed program to conserve Songii lagoon. Total Conservation value of Songji lagoon amounted to approximately 21.2 billion Korean won per year. Moreover, the non-use value of Songji lagoon amounted 15.7 billion Korean won per yew. The results of measuring the conservation value provide decision-makers with data indispensable to devising a conservation and management policy.

• 자원ㆍ환경경제연구
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• 제27권4호
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• pp.725-743
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• 2018

어느 한 집단이 정치적, 혹은 경제적으로 영향력이 클 경우 정책수단이 비록 효과적 혹은 효율적이라도 선택될 가능성은 현실적으로 낮다. 왜냐하면 그 과정에서 높은 정치적 비용이 수반되기 때문이다. 본 논문에서는 에너지를 소비하는 공해발생자와 공해피해자 간 타협을 도출하는 데 있어서 에너지보조금의 정치적 역할을 분석한다. Dolbear(1967)의 삼각 에즈워즈 상자 모형을 이용하여 정책선택이 두 집단의 소득분배와 후생수준에 미치는 영향을 중심으로 직접규제와 조세의 단일 정책수단 도입 효과와 에너지보조금을 포함한 정책조합의 효과를 비교한다. 분석결과, 에너지보조금이 사용됨으로써 공해발생자와 피해자 간의 타협 가능성은 증가하는 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국사회복지학회 1995년도 국제 심포지움 및 학술대회
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• pp.9-30
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• 1995

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.303-314
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• 2019

Indonesia's most eastern provinces enjoy special autonomy status but still suffer from the highest poverty level in the entire nation. Using the Williamson index to test the Simon Kuznets theory, this study examines development equality at pre-and post-special autonomy in the provinces of Papua and West Papua. It uses gross domestic products per capita and population from 29 regencies/cities in Papua and 13 regencies/cities in West Papua to measure the Williamson index in addition to in-depth interviews with legislative members and document analysis to validate the findings. The study found that the regional development gap before special autonomy is relatively smaller than that existing after special autonomy. The Kuznets' curve is not proven in the special autonomy era, meaning that the imposition of autonomy status has led to the creation of a higher development gap in these provinces. Although the special autonomy status has prompted an increased opportunity for political participation by the indigenous people, greater challenges are posed by the lack of human resources, poor government administration, difficult geographical access and the issue of land acquisition. Continuous development initiatives followed up with adequate supervision, greater transparency and law enforcement from government bureaucrats and legislatures are recommended to reduce the inequality.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권10호
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• pp.629-639
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• 2020

The current study explains how corruption, terrorism, political stability and oil price has an effect on on the Iraq stock exchange utilizing corruption perception index as a proxy of corruption, global terrorism index as proxy for terrorism, political stability and oil price with ISX60 index as proxy of stock market for the period (2005-2019) using Ordinary Least Square method. The results show that the level of corruption, terrorism activities and political stability coefficient is significantly positive with Iraq stock exchange. In contrast, the oil price coefficient is significantly negative with Iraq stock exchange, which means that lower levels of corruption, less terrorism activities and more stability in political system have strong influence on stock market development in Iraq. The study concludes that the explanatory variables are important for Iraq stock exchange. Hence, the study suggests the policy makers to develop stock market by implementing policies and strategies to overcome high level of corruption, terrorism activities especially after ISIS/ISIL announcement has been made public. There is a need for transparency and creating stable political environment through good governance practices in order to attract more foreign investment and promote economic development. Factors like terrorism and corruption make economic and political systems unstable and has an adverse effect on on Iraq's stock exchange performance.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.145-161
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• 2016

Using the Sunflower movement as a case study, this article seeks to articulate a theoretical framework to evaluate online "free spaces" as tools for political mobilization. To this end, this article conducts a thematic and content analysis of 151 posts on the official Facebook page of the Sunflower movement. Key results uncover four thematic functions among posts - expressive, informative, informative-support, and promotional - that overlap, in which the expressive theme prevails, and two thematic topics discussed by posts - damages by protesters and their ideology of freedom. I conclude that: (1) combining the logistic and thematic dimensions of posts enables a specific understanding of an online free space's political viability and anticipates the campaigns it will connect itself to; (2) the networked nature of the Sunflower movement page prompts the reconceptualization of (i) online free spaces as nodes through which various political campaigns and struggles are thematically connected by a political ideology; (ii) inactivity as a strategy where protest capital and followers accumulate to prepare and empower future mobilizations.