• 자원ㆍ환경경제연구
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.717-741
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• 2012

본 연구에서는 세계가치설문조사의 한국자료를 이용하여 소득계층 인식과 정치적 성향이 개인의 환경보호에 대한 태도에 어떻게 영향을 미치는지를 평가하였다. 분석결과 사람들의 소득계층 인식이 상승함에 따라 환경오염방지를 위한 조세인상에 대한 찬성 가능성이 증가하였지만 선형적으로 증가하지는 않았고 가계의 재정상태에 대한 만족도가 높을수록 환경보호에 대한 태도가 우호적인 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 1인당 평균 소득수준이 증가하더라도 재정 상태에 대한 만족도가 하락하거나 소득불평등도가 심화되는 경우 환경보호에 대한 태도가 악화될 수 있음을 시사한다. 경쟁에 대한 시각과 부양책임과 같은 사회경제적 이슈와 정치적 성향과의 관련성은 일반적 사회통념이나 서구사회와는 매우 달랐는데 이러한 차이는 환경보호에 대한 태도에도 반영되어 나타나는 것으로 보인다. 진보적 성향일수록 환경오염방지를 위한 추가적 조세부담용의가 증가하는 서구사회에서의 결과와는 달리 진보적인 사람들과 보수적인 사람들 간의 추가적 조세부담용의에 있어서 차이가 없었다.

• 한국의류산업학회지
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.31-37
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to investigate the causes of clothes phenomenon of the ruling class women on the Heian period of Japan in the aspects of politics, economics, society, culture, and religion. The findings of the study are as follows. The main characteristics of the Heian period of Japan may include a rare sense of internationalism, low sense of nationalism, and frequent cases of political intrigue. However, noble culture, centered on royal court, was flourished and it enabled to develop sophisticated and graceful culture. During the Nara period and the Heian period (from $8^{th}$ to $12^{th}$ century), there were enormous changes in the clothes, starting from the mid $10^{th}$ century. The clothes of the ruling class in the Heian period underwent changes from the imitative clothes-imitating the clothes of the Tang age of China- to Japanesque clothes-adding the aesthetic consciousness of Japanese ruling class people. Particularly, the clothes of the ruling class women became massive, majestic, and decorative. The changed clothes had also features such as layered look, utilizing underwear as outer garments, using a wide variety of colors, and using hard and solid materials to make clothes. It can be concluded that the clothes of the ruling class people in the Heian period were affected by plural factors such as national and international political situation, economics, society, culture, and religion. The clothes were used by ruling class people as means of expressing their noble and sophisticated beauty, which led to produce humanistic beauty. The Heian period can be described as an era of the highest reach of humanity.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제22권7호
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• pp.206-212
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• 2022

Strengthening global geopolitical instability in the world leads to an aggravation of international conflicts; it destabilizes the domestic political situation in countries, violates the rights and freedoms of man and citizen, and also activates economic crime. The full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine and the deployment of military operations in a large territory of a sovereign country have created a number of destabilizing factors in the development of digital technologies and negatively affect the state and trends of digital marketing, which allows establishing interaction with a wide audience and facilitating the search for new customers in various places. The purpose of the research lies in substantiating the theoretical and applied principles for studying the features of digital marketing in the conditions of wartime posture in Ukraine. In the course of the research, general and special methods of economic analysis have been used and applied, namely: analysis and synthesis; analogies and comparisons; generalization and systematization; graphic and tabular methods. Regarding the results of the research of digital marketing in the conditions of wartime posture in Ukraine, it has been established that the intensification of the development of digital marketing is caused by the crisis phenomena of social-economic, social-political and military nature, as well as exacerbated by the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. It has been proven that highly developed countries use innovative digital technologies more effectively in the field of marketing, which indicates the importance of the Multidimensional Index of Digitization (the USA - MID: 0,92-0,92; the UK - MID: 0,80-0,97; Japan - MID: 0,80-0,88; Canada - MID: 0,78-0,81; Germany - MID: 0,78-0,88; France - MID: 0,72-0,76), however, the developing countries record much lower values (Ukraine - MID: 0,22-0,48). Accordingly, the level of cybersecurity in highly developed countries is also significantly higher than in transitive countries, in particular, in the United States (GCI: 0,919-0,999); Great Britain (GCI: 0,783-0,995); Canada (GCI: 0,818-0,978) and in Ukraine (GCI: 0,501-0,661).

• 분석과 대안
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.29-61
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• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

• 자원ㆍ환경경제연구
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.157-185
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• 2014

2012년 말 카타르 도하에서 열렸던 제18차 COP를 통해 교토의정서가 2020년까지 연장되면서 CDM, JI, ET 등의 교토 메커니즘 역시 지속하기로 결정되었다. 그러나 최근 EU ETS를 중심으로 국제 배출권거래 시장에서 일어났던 몇몇 제도변화와 배출권 가격의 하락으로 인해 CDM 프로젝트들은 사업 지속가능성 측면에서 위기에 처해 있다. 특히 국내 비(非)$CO_2$ 온실가스 관련 CDM 사업들이 가장 직접적인 영향을 받았다. 본 연구에서는 국제 시장에서 거래되고 있는 배출권들에 대한 현 상황과 가격 변화를 살펴보고, 국내의 대표적인 비(非)$CO_2$ 관련 CDM 사업에 대한 사례분석을 통해 배출권거래 시장의 제도변화가 어떤 과정을 통해 해당 사업에 영향을 미쳤는지를 살펴보았다. 본 논문의 정책적 함의는 크게 두 가지로 요약될 수 있다. 첫째, 2015년 국내 배출권 거래제도 시행을 앞두고 온실가스 저감기술에 대한 활용과 투자 환경이 활발하게 조성되기 위한 정책지원 방향을 제시한다. 둘째, 양자 크레딧 제도와 같이 기존 CDM 사업을 보완하는 정책들이 ODA 방식과 연계될 경우 기업들이 해당 기술에 대한 투자 시 불확실성을 줄이고 보다 폭넓은 선택이 가능함을 밝힌다.

• 한국가정과교육학회지
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• 제31권1호
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• pp.169-192
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• 2019

본 연구는 미래 사회에 대한 조망하는 관점을 비판적 시각에서 검토하고, 이러한 변화를 이끌어갈 수 있는 가정교육학의 방향을 비판과학 관점에서 탐색하는 데 목적을 두었다. 이를 위하여 Habermas의 비판이론에 대한 이해를 도모하고, 가정교육학이 비판이론에 기초한 비판과학 관점을 취했을 때 어떤 장에서 미래 사회를 이끌어 나갈 수 있는 실천을 하여야 하는지 그 방향성을 탐색하였다. 방향성은 개인, 가족과 사회가 상호호혜적이고 상호작용을 통하여 지속해가는 것을 비판이론에 기초하여 생활세계의 사적 영역, 생활세계의 공적 영역과 체계의 영역에서 탐색하였다. 비판과학 관점에서 가정교육학의 실천은 IFHE의 옹호활동과 정책참여 활동의 사례를 통해 발견되었다. 결론적으로 비판과학으로서의 가정교육학이 가정생활의 비판적, 참여적 변화를 가져올 수 있도록 생활세계에서 뿐만 아니라 사회·정치·경제체계를 바람직한 조건으로 형성해 나가고 학문적 영역, 일상생활의 영역, 사회적 영역에서 전문활동을 실천해나가야 할 당위성을 지지하였다.

• International Journal of Human Ecology
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.111-122
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• 2004

This paper outlines the findings of a consumer survey conducted in 1996 and 2001 by the University of Bonn, Germany, across 15 European countries. The survey involved a sample of 3,300 respondents in 1996 and around 11,000 respondents in 2001, throughout all 15 EU countries. Children and adolescents, between the ages of 10 and 17, were surveyed about their consumption habits and their attitudes towards the environment. The paper outlines the key findings on 'Children's fears and future prospects'. Children are exposed to a great mass of information, not only derived from the media but also from what they experience directly in their everyday-life. Some of this information translates into worries that adopt a clearer (more realistic) form when children become adolescents, as they might be easily involved in those events, and the understanding of the processes that may cause or continue them is deeper. Today's children and adolescents are under more pressure, since the social/political/economical spectrum is constantly changing. Change produces anxiety, fear of what will result from these transformations, as it implies that the social order will be reorganized. This paper reports on a long term comparative study among children and adolescents throughout the European Union, analyzed by country, age group and gender. It draws different preoccupations of young generations and consequent future expectations. It concludes by considering the influence of social and political organizations, as well as the family, on children and adolescents, as these might help to sustain a positive attitude towards various future events.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제24권6호
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• pp.61-81
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• 2020

Purpose - This paper examines how the consumer animosity of partner country influences the purchase of foreign products. We analyzed news sentiment to determine whether Chinese consumer's animosity affect the purchase of the products made in Korea around the time when the U.S. Terminal High Altitude Area Defense missile system was deployed in South Korea. Design/methodology - To measure the tone of Chinese consumer animosity more carefully, we utilized a text mining technique of the Chinese language to read the public's opinion. Using Chinese news paper's editorials of 2015.1-2018.10, we analyzed the sentiment toward Korea and regressed it with Korean export to China. Findings - Empirical results report that Chinese consumers tended to reduce their purchase of consumer goods from Korea when the animosity increased, that is, the sentiments of Chinese news editorials were negative. In contrast, the animosity did not affect the purchase of Korean intermediates or raw materials. We further analyzed the effect by dividing the animosity into three categories; politics, economics, and culture. Among these groups, political news exhibits a unique effect on Chinese purchase on consumer goods from Korea. Originality/value - Existing literature on animosity models has measured the animosity by collecting the consumers' opinions through survey at a given time point, whereas it is measured by analyzing the tone of the press release by sentiment analysis during the time period around the event occurrence in this study.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.655-664
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• 2021

The purpose of this research paper is to overcome the impact the COVID-19 in Indonesia, the Government of the Republic of Indonesia has set Perpu No.1 of 2020 concerning State Financial Policies and Financial System Stability for Handling COVID-19 Pandemic. This paper uses a descriptive analysis method with a normative juridical approach, namely by explaining the politics of law in the stipulation of Perpu No. 1 of 2020 into Law, then analyzing its effect on the character of legal products contained in the Act. The data sources used in this paper are the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Perpu Number 1 of 2020 which has been ratified into Law Number 2 of 2020, Legislation in the field of state finance, literature books, and several articles from print and electronic media. This paper concludes that the legal politics of establishing Perpu No.1 of 2020 into Act was born from a democratic political system and configuration, but the character of its legal products was conservative. The aim of the paper is to focus on the discussions related to the new regulations that have been made by the Indonesian government and analyse the impact resulting from the enactment of these regulations.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권4호
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• pp.529-538
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• 2021

This article aims to describe the institutional structuring strategy of independent smallholders in accelerating sustainable economic development, by taking the example of the cow-coconut integration system (SISKA) problem in Sialang Palas Village, Riau. The method used identified stakeholders related to SISKA; the stakeholder's goals and interests, farmers' social and institutional bases, and self-help farmer socio-economic networks. First, identification of various factors through strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis techniques. Second, through the Modern Political Economy analysis technique. Third, imparting knowledge and skills to the farmers and village officials through a collective learning process in utilizing natural resource waste and social resources. The results showed that the farmer management strategy in the reform era started by clustering the interests of farmers. The dynamics of structuring group relations between the chairman and members with farmers outside the group are the basis for strengthening the local ideology of independence in the future. This institutional structuring strategy that focuses on access to farm power in the village decision-making process encourages a more integrated work of farmer organizations. The analysis above shows that the independent smallholder institutional engineering through regulation, organization, and resources are determined by the farmer household economic factors and the application of the value of local wisdom.