• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.155-188
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• 2021

This study examines dynamics in election news making. It is important to understand when and how news media produce election news in order to grasp news making and voting behavior. The news media sometimes make election news by focusing on issues and policies. Often they frame elections as a game and focus on election strategies while covering elections. This article argues that as time goes by during the election period, the number of policy news tends to decrease while the frequency of strategic news is likely to increase. Also, TV's and newspapers show distinctive patterns of election news making. In order to examine the arguments, this study categorizes election news stories into policy and strategic news stories produced during the 2020 Korean congressional elections and constructs daily time-series data of them. The results of structural break and regression analyses partially support the arguments.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.21-43
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to examine cultural differences and related difficulties which KoreanChinese women in Korean society experience at work and the different styles of their cultural adaptation. For this, semi-structured interviews consisting of questions related to these issues were conducted on 17 Korean-Chinese women living in the metropolitan area (average age: 34, SD = 9.25, average stay in Korea = 4 years, SD = 2.24). After analysis of qualitative data based on Giorgi's(1985) method of phenomenological analysis, a total of 225 significant statements were found and those were grouped into 23 subcategories, which were then grouped again into 9 categories. Cultural differences and related difficulties appeared in identity, verbal communication, political and economic aspects, and relational and sexual affairs. It was also revealed that Korean-Chinese women adapted in the three ways of Active, Passive, and Avoident. Lastly, various social actions that can aid the adaptation of Korean-Chinese women to Korea based on these results were discussed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.1151-1157
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• 2023

It raises questions about how China, dominated by the socialist system and the Communist Party, will change in the era of artificial intelligence. We predict how the Chinese socialist system will change in the meta-world where SNS is developed, communication is conducted within the meta-verse world, and artificial intelligence is operating in many fields. In order to do so, it is necessary to understand the characteristics of the Chinese state and the characteristics of national policy, as well as the metaverse policy proposed by the Chinese state. The development of the metaverse was emphasized at the 5th session of the 13th National People's Congress in 2022, and in May of that year, the Central Party School of the Communist Party of China published the <Metaverse Industry Manual for Party and Political Officials>. Therefore, in this paper, we will analyze China's metaverse policy and forecast the direction of development of the metaverse industry that China wants to pursue.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.1111-1117
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• 2023

Recently, South Korean newspapers began trying to charge for online news. This study attempts to shed light on the factors that influence payment for online news by analyzing Korea Press Foundation's 2022 Media Audience Survey (N = 58,936). The results of this study showed a steady increase in past payment and paying intent for online news since 2020. Predictors of past payment for online news included gender, age, and education, and interest in political and social issues. News use through specific media (i.e., newspapers, magazines, portals, messengers, social media, video sites, and podcasts), as well as mobile applications and e-mail newsletters, were found to contribute to paid subscriptions. Based on the findings of the study, news organizations should prepare to offer differentiated news content through their own news platforms and establish concrete plans to build trust in news.

• Quality Improvement in Health Care
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.2-14
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• 2023

Purpose: This study aimed to identify strategies to enhance the competencies of patient safety coordinators in Korea. Methods: Fourteen participants from nine hospitals were interviewed between May and November 2022. Qualitative content analysis was used to analyze the data. Results: As for the strategies to enhance patient safety management competency, 3 themes and 11 sub-themes were derived. The first theme was 'Having individual competence as a patient safety coordinator', and the sub-themes were 'Communication skills with members', 'Flexible thinking from multiple perspectives', and 'Preparing for administrative work competencies that they had not experienced as a nurse.' The second theme was 'Responding strategically to promote improvement activities', and the sub-themes for it were 'Multi-angle approach to the problem', 'A careful approach so as not to be taken as criticism in the field', 'Increasing the possibility of improvement activities through awareness', 'Activating the network between patient safety coordinators', and 'Expanding learning opportunities through patient safety case analysis.' The third theme was 'Obtaining support to facilitate patient safety activities', and the sub-themes for this were 'Improving staff awareness of patient safety', 'Providing a training course for nurse professional of patient safety', and 'Expanding the manpower allocation standard of patient safety coordinators.' Conclusion: This study explored personal competencies such as document writing and computer utilization capabilities, focused on ways to improve the field of patient safety management, and emphasized the need for organizational and political support.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.125-149
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• 2012

This study explores the formational process of KBS PD's professional identity in the 1970's, focusing on everyday work and workplace for program production. In terms of salary and social-cultural status, a television PD was not a desirable occupation in the 70's. Since the beginning of radio broadcasting, production of culture and education programs had been sub-categorized under Programming Division. Also, it has been claimed in several researches that in the 70's, the production of education and cultural programs had visibly grown owing to the political necessity of policy PR and campaigns, and the introduction of new broadcasting equipment and technologies for producing the mentioned political campaign programs. However, this study argues that the main force that led to such developments was the cultural practices and the production spirits of the KBS PD's. These PD's trained themselves in production workplace from the bottom by assisting film directors and learning from cameramen about the film making and post-production process. Moreover, in the transitional phase from film to magnetic tape recorder, they established themselves as main subjectivities of production by developing Division of Culture and Education as a specialized and independent sector. The "program production spirit and DNA" that evolved from the experiences of working in poor production environment served as a force for developing professional and self identity. However, the culture and education PD's of the 70's were still tied down to the limited roles of simply providing technological and productional 'professionalism' within the hegemonic structure of the strong state. As with the members of any other social domain at the time, PD's had restricted roles to play and putting in effort and competing to create better programs was the only 'freedom' that was allowed. This study argues that under such condition, KBS PD's implemented two strategies to construct their own professional identities: one was to distinguish themselves from official broadcasters, and the other was to distinguish themselves from commercial broadcasters. Unfortunately, ethical practice as a professional became nothing more than an issue of personal morality and broadcasting's public responsibility was lost under the shadows of commercial broadcasting.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.202-226
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to analyze how Chinese people perceive the acceptance and spread of Korean popular culture through the analysis of the Korean Wave news frame in Chinese daily newspapers. The result of analysis showed that there was a significant difference in the number of an article appearance in all three daily newspapers by year according to a specific issue including the popularity of Korean Wave-related events, Korean dramas, movies and Korean stars. This reporting trend also appeared in the article format, and all three daily newspapers mainly used an episodic frame to deliver fragmentary Korean Wave trend or personal information emotionally rather than a thematic frame to analyze and interpret the Korean Wave trend in depth. As a result of analyzing dominant news frames using the inductive approach to examine specific contents of the articles, news frames that composed the Korean Wave into the cultural interest frame as 'Interest and attention toward Korean popular culture' and gave positive evaluations were dominant, followed by the economic news frames that explained the Korean Wave from the economic perspective and the political news frames that considered the Korean Wave from the viewpoint of the Chinese Government. These news frames appeared somewhat different according to the publishing purpose of daily newspapers. ${\ll}$People's Daily${\gg}$ which is the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party often covered the political frames to report the policies of Chinese government, ${\ll}$People's Daily (Overseas edition)${\gg}$ often covered economic frames from the overseas perspective and the Jinghua Daily which is a commercial newspaper by nature often handled cultural interest frames to consider Korean Wave as new cultural phenomenon.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.511-555
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• 2009

Media-related regulations can be classified into two categories; regulations of individual media contents and regulations regarding the entry to and withdrawal from a certain field. In this dissertation, ownership regulations are regarded as legal and political measures so as to prevent the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion, and to secure its diversity. Every country has its own regulation model according to its particular media environment. Korea too is obliged to actively respond to its environmental changes, at the same time vitalizing the media industry and protecting consumers' rights and interests. Strong political intentions to protect the public interest is necessary when it comes to media regulation policies, especially in the circumstances that public interest is an industrial priority. As the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications is leading to a major shift in the media industry, the regulation of cross-media ownership is an issue involving potential conflicts among media-owners, non-governmental organizations and the authorities concerned, depending on their various viewpoints regarding the media industry. In this paper, an attempt was made to search necessity of redefining 'public interest', which is the logic behind the restriction of cross-media ownership, and to reconceptualize issues on the centralization and diversity of media. First, an examination of the actual conditions of newspaper companies was carried out in order to reinvestigate domestic cross-media ownership issues, which is represented by the cross-ownership issue of newspapers and broadcasting stations. Next, the dilemma of policies stimulated by the fusion of media was discussed based on cross-media ownership restrictions, and the need for efficient conflict control was suggested. Finally, proposals on the independency and public confidence of media-related policy-making authorities, the rationalization of regulation models, an itemized discussion on cross-media ownership regulation issues, the elaboration of measures for a balanced development among media were made. It could be found that a number of foreign countries were still facing challenges to prevent monopoly and oligopoly of the public opinion and the industry. A solution to settle disagreements about the dilemma of the media industry, including the cross-media ownership regulation issues, must be arranged on the grounds of 'mutual respect of public interest and industrial interest', In Korea, an ease on the ownership regulations adapting to the change in the media industry may be considered, however the softening of the cross-media ownership regulations must be approached with the utmost care. Paradoxically Relieving cross-media ownership regulations may be considered the foundation of a richer field of journalism, where there is no need for concern over the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.41-74
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• 2008

Based on the theory of news media's agenda-setting function, this study analyzed Korean public's most important problems (MIP) and the degree of public consensus on the importance of those MIP's. The analysis was done in terms of both time and social strata. According to the findings, economy, social welfare, and political issues were in the for tier of the MIP list. The analysis of issue diversity (H-statistic) also demonstrated a relatively high degree of agenda consensus among Korean public despite some fluctuation in the consensus level, which appears to be higher than that among the American public. A decrease in the degree of agenda consensus with the passage of time appealed to be a general phenomenon across diverse social strata. However, the degrees of consensus-building were different in light of education, socioeconomic status, and the size of residential area. Those who are more educated, have more economic power, and live in a larger city had more chances to experience agenda consensus. These results seem to be basically attributable to the presumed positive relationship between these demographic variables and media exposure. The different degrees of public consensus according to the different levels of those demographic variables suggest that a closer investigation into the various influences on the importance of public issues among the respondents should be done in future studies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.261-293
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• 2005

This article aims at investigating the origin of 'gookmin', which is currently working as the dominant discourse and leading identity in the South Korean society. Like 'nation', 'people' or/and 'citizen', the term of 'gookmin' is a very much particular and historical outcome of the colonial modernity. Nevertheless, however, there have been not so much serious socio-linguistic, cultural-political studies about its root. It is theoretically as well as practically quite important to trace back the birth of 'gookmin', which is working as an ideological, epistemological frame in/between subject and reality. In this regard, this article will consider the late Japanese colonial period as a key period of the birth of 'gookmin'. It will then critically scrutinize how the total mobilization system by adopted the colonial government has formed the discourse and subjectivity of 'gookmin' based on various physical apparatuses. By revealing that a totalistic nation/state of Japanese colonialism is behind 'gookmin', which wanted to mobilize every individuals into a so-called article of empire, this article tries to show the fascist and propaganda nature of 'gookmin' continuing even after the liberation. As a historical-materialist work of deconstruction the dominant discourse of 'gookmin', this study will basically take a cultural studies approach.