• International Journal of Contents
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2017

The study aims to reveal the differences in the factors influencing portal news and news site application usages on smartphones in regard to political discussion networks, news use across multiple media platforms and news genre consumption. The results demonstrate that those factors affected both types of application usages in a different manner when controlling for demographics. The more participants conversed politics with homogeneous networks, the more they used portal news on smartphones. Conversely, the more political discussion with heterogeneous networks, the more they used news site application on smartphones. The more frequently Internet and mobile phone were employed for news source and the more soft news genre was consumed, the more the portal news application was used. However, the more frequently traditional and social media were employed for news source and the more hard news consumed, the more news site application was used. The findings imply that portal news application users may increase their likelihood of soft news consumption using Internet and mobile phones for political discussion with close social relations, while news site application users may increase their likelihood of hard news consumption using traditional and social media for political discussion with distant social relations.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.51-81
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• 2015

The main purpose of this study is to seek better approach which explains reciprocal causality associated with factors causing social conflict and improving social integration respectively. Throughout this study, there are several important implications how social conflict can be solved in South Korea. In particular, government and policy makers in political sector should create an environment of social integration through political reforms by switching from vertical structure to horizontal structure and by encouraging ordinary people to actively participate in the policy-making processes and political activities. In economic sector, government and stakeholder associated with a certain economic issue should induce a change in the economic environment for social integration, focusing on distribution of wealth and employment stability. In social and cultural sectors, it is necessary to solve social and cultural problems (e.g., generation gap and conflict between the young and the old, multi-ethnic families, and lack of communication) by exploring better ways to establish an altruism and to interact with each other. In psychological sectors, PsyCap(Positive Psychological Capital) will help ordinary people to crate positive thinking and lead to social integration. For instance, political leaders having PsyCap are able to communicate with the people and can help the people to build positive main influencing on social integration. Finally, the improvement of the system is required because the improvement of insufficient system is the basis for reasonable and equitable social integration.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.179-199
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• 2013

This study is aimed to draw the meaning and possibility of political participation of the SNS users through a phenomenological analysis of participation and awareness of authentication shot for vote of the users. Especially, the reason for focusing on 'SNS vote authentication shot' is because the creative imagination of the users and the meaning and possibility of collective intelligence are drew while citizens are participating in political activities for themselves. Theory resources are based on technical imagination of Vil$\acute{e}$m Flusser that is concerned with users and political practice in the New Media Era, creative imaginer and discussions of collective intelligence of Pierre L$\acute{e}$vy. Based on these theoretical discussions, it is aimed to select the SNS users experienced in authentication shot for the by-election for mayor of Seoul in 26. Oct. 2011 and to use phenomenological analysis model on materials collected after in-depth interview. The researchers take contextual circumstance into consideration for experiences of study participants sticking to SNS users' opinions and intersubjectivity and approach prejudice of their experiences to untouched structure of phenomenon and meaning. It is because a phenomenological study exploring "the own meaning of 'die Sachen'" is 'strict study' and method focusing on the political participation of SNS users itself.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.87-95
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• 2016

Considerable research over the years has been devoted to ascertaining the impact of social media on political settings.In recent days, Social Network Sites (SNS) such as Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. This study examines the role of SNS as the means of political campaign. The study tasks the case of the 2015'sspecial election, Seoul Korea. The analysis aims to identify how candidates use Facebook or Twitter to interact with voters by applying functional theory of political campaign discourse developed by Benoit. In this study, we analyzed the candidates' SNS messages in terms of political behavior such as self-expression, informing policy, asking voters to participate in political events. Among them the results indicated that two candidates, Jung, Dong Young and Byun, Hee Jae, both of them used SNS to express themselves the most. The study also found that two candidates used mainly the strategy called 'acclaim' which praises their own strengths. In terms of topics of SNS messages (policy versus character) there was different between two candidates. Jung, sent message in relation to 'character' the most, while Byun contained 'policy' message on SNS the most. Based on these findings implications and directions for future studies are discussed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.575-582
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• 2020

We proposes a method to estimate political preference of users who write comments on internet news. We collected and analyzed a massive amount of new comment data from internet news to extract features that effectively characterizes political preference of users. We expect that it helps user to obtain unbiased information from internet news and online discussion by providing estimated political stance of news comment writer. Through comprehensive tests we prove the effectiveness of two proposed methods, lexicon-based algorithm and similarity-based algorithm.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.33-48
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• 2019

The current Moon Jai-in administration in South Korea is facing serious challenges as a result of a scandal involving the manipulation of news online. Staff in Moon's camp are suspected of manipulating public opinion by creating millions of fake news comments online, contributing to Moon being elected president. This South Korean political scandal raises a number of theoretical issues with regard to new platform technologies and media manipulation. First, the incident exposes the technological limits of blocking manipulation of the news, partly because of the nature of social media and partly because of the nature of contemporary technology. Contemporary social media is often monopolistic in nature; with the majority of people are using the same platforms, and hence it is likely that they will be subject to forms of media manipulation. Second, the Korean case of news manipulation demonstrates a unique cultural aspect of Korean society. News comments and readers' replies have become a major channel of alternative news in Korea. This phenomenon is often designated as "reply journalism," since people are interested in reading the news replies of ordinary readers equally to reading news reports themselves. News replies are considered indicators of public opinion and are seen as affecting trias politica in Korean society. Third, the Korean incident of news manipulation implicates a new form of populism in the 21st century and the nature of democratic participation. This article aims to explicate key issues in media manipulation by including wider technological, cultural, and political aspects in the South Korean news media context.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.43 no.8 s.210
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• pp.161-174
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to examine the history and significance of t-shirts used in school that have a dress code to examine the meaning of the various messages that appears on t-shirts and also to examine how these t-shirts are used as form of communication. Many people that have strong social or political views or opinions use t-shirts with message as a means of communicating their opinion and views. Due to the low cost and ease in manufacturing these types of t-shirts, it is possible to express various slogans, messages and drawings. Based on our observations, there were various messages on t-shirts such as, 'no war', 'peace', 'no drugs', 'anti-smocking', 'protect the environment' and 'race or sex discrimination' among others. In this study, t-shirts were grouped based on their messages. T-shirts were put in to the following groups anti- war t-shirts, political t-shirts, t-shirts with messages about social issues and t-shirts with messages about fashion. Both international and domestic t-shirts were examined.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.95-104
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• 2011

This study explored how political figures build their image using twitters. To examine the research question, this study analyzed twitter messages in five political figures: Si-Min, Yu, Jung-hee, Lee, Mun-soo, Kim, and Young-gil, Song. The findings showed that except for Mrs. Lee, the other political figures presented more one-way messages than two-way messages in twitters. Even though twitter has benefits of communicating instantly and two-way communication between followers and followings, most messages in their twitters were limited to informative message. The study also classified the messages into social-oriented and individual-oriented in each politician' s twitter. The result presented that Mrs. Lee twitter included individual-oriented messages, but the other three political figures had more social-oriented messages.