• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.391-406
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• 2024

The current distribution of digital news has the potential to produce politically biased information for users as a result of individual choices and media selection based on those choices. Consequently, this research explored the factors affecting individual news selection and the effects of opinion changes and political participation that can occur when news tailored to users' partisan preferences is recommended. The phenomenon of selective exposure has been shown to be stronger when individuals utilize more limited information processing, experience higher discussion efficacy among groups with similar political beliefs. Furthermore, When a selective exposure group was randomly provided with a one-way message news that matched their partisan leanings, it was found that opinion consolidation, opinion-reinforcing information processing, and online political participation. On the other hand, when they were randomly presented with two-way messaging news in which the media balanced two competing partisan positions, they were found to be more likely to understand the other side's views and arguments, and more willing to adjust their existing opinions. We are confirmed that the balanced use of various opinions is very important in deliberative democratic process.

• Journal of Korean Society on Water Environment
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.641-650
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• 2009

The IPCC's standing on the anthropogenic warming is discussed in this article. The differences between the climate alarmist and skeptics have been addressed in terms of scientific and policy stand point of view. The political and economical significances of climate change have been discussed, too. Although atmospheric temperature and rainfall precipitation are two most important factors in the climate change, most of the recent attentions have drawn on mainly temperature and $CO_2$ issue. In spite of argues on the uncertainty in anthropogenic warming related to $CO_2$, the inevitable climate change should correspondingly change the humanity in near feature.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.181-202
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• 1998

When the study the costumes of Silla Dynasty, the only well-founded data is shown in the prohibition that is promulgated in the period of King Hungduk. In the prohibition, the social limitation according to the Silla Golpum system is closely described, now it is interesting researchers very much. Any times the promulgation of a ordinance has a proper reason. The ordinance of the period of King Hungduk also has no exceptions. It made a reason clear in the introduction - inaccordance with the social position, the list of articles is used with different, in spite of the strict regulation, the distinction of costumes was in disorder because of the trend of luxury and os we have to make right according to law. Some historian think that the prohibition assumes the character of an political innovation. The prohibition contains an social signification, the items of prohibition did not enumerate simply prohibiton items. Through away of research to analyze the hidden meaning contained in the prohibition, we can see the social phenomenon of Silla Dynasty. And compared with the type of clothing, the kinds of clothing mentioned in prohibiton have changed very much. I believe that we can find out political and social change in prohibition.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.41-52
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• 1997

This paper explored the public issue on housework analyzed the policy and the law associated housework and developed the theorical model for its political program. This idea is dependent that the policy has priority over change of the social ideology. That policy contains a campaign and a education to be aimed to share of housework in order to make responsibility of men as well as women on family and work. Also it contains economic value estimates to quantify and value the non-wage work(childcaring homemaking etc.) in order to confirm its productive activity. It would assume the lawful form as like a social security or a pension. For example the Family Rights Law Tax Law and Social Security Act have to be reflected on the value of housework and to be secured the social status of provider. After all this work was useful to improve a wage and a social status of all women. As consistent policy and operation associated housework are poor in Korea it is difficult to develop theoric l model on this theme. On the range a political proposal on housework would be bound by family policy(evaluation of housework) and women's labor policy(housework support). So the policy intend to secure a family life to improve welfare of women and to equilibrate the family and the work.

• Journal of the Korean Association of African Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.3-48
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• 2014

ABAKO(Alliance des Bakongo) of Democratic Republic of Congo is an organization founded by an ethnic group who sought to preserve its language, culture and tradition. It later developed into a political organization and led an independence movement from Belgium. In 1950, Edmond Nzeza-Nlandu founded the ABAKO in Leopoldville (currently known as Kinshasa), the capital of Belgian Congo. ABAKO changed into a political organization, however, when Nzeza-Nlandu stepped down from his position and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected instead as the chief of ABAKO in March 21, 1954. The Bakongo nationalism, as a link between the Kongo Kingdom of the past and the Bakongo people of the present, had influence on their cultural identity, attitude towards authority, political orientation, a common ground for geographical boundaries, and provided foundation for group mobilization. Moreover, the Kimbangu Church, founded by Simon Kimbangu had close ties with ABAKO. They struggled to obtain independece from the Belgian colonial rule. In conclusion, the leaders and members of ABAKO regarded the 'ethnic, linguistic and historical' affinities as the identity of their Bakongo nationalist group.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.155-171
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• 2020

In reality, there are numerous [Note: I advise to change the tone to being more certain, as opposed to offering a possibility. You need to emphasize the seriousness of the conditions that your study wants to talk about] non-tariff trade barriers under free trade agreements, with various stakeholders having different trade-off interests. This study focuses on the rules of origin verification and considers cases in which domestic firms, foreign firms, and domestic consumer groups compete politically for their rent protection in the domestic market. As in Gwande et al. (2006), cross-border lobbies are considered possible wherein foreign firms also lobby the government to influence the decision-making process of how stringently to verify the rules of origin. [Note: Starting here, switch to past tense because a: study intentions above can be in present tense, b: study procedures should be in past tense] In this study, we assumed that all stakeholders form interest groups and present political contributions to the government based on their interests. The stringency of the rules of origin verification was then determined through this political process, and we compared this to a socially optimal one in the analysis. It was found that the verification was less stringent when there was cross-border lobbying than the socially optimal one.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.4
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• pp.5-27
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• 2001

This study analyzes the social function of democracy and the essential problems of social security of democracy. So far democracy has used a political term in politics. Democracy allows us the right to the freedom of individuality and social equality. Even scholars however, neglect to study about the criticism of democracy and social problems that are caused by democracy. It was expected that democracy would be valued by humans throughout the world. People have been fighting to establish a reliable political system of democracy. So they can have security in their society and the subject of politics. Therefore, We should consider study on democracy in function of democracy in relation to security of society and essential problems on what is democracy? Does democracy change with social change? Didier Bigo said, 'rising of freedom cause rising of a social unrest', B. Jeanneau said 'Democracy itself is the starting of social discord'. These are criticism of social security, the system and the function of democracy. It especially explains social discord and unrest that has occurred by an authoritative interpretation of democracy or the meaning of a word interpretation. It is a question of the day that it's converse the function of the system and the operation of democracy, act as social unrest.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

This paper studies and evaluates the present situation of three decades of 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea with a long-term perspectives. It had grown up during 1987 labour regime era and has declined abruptly since 1998. The backdrop of this decline was the transformation of labour regime from the 1987 regime to the dependent neoliberal one. The Korean labour movement did not respond to the changed structural conditions as it sustained its old strategies, militant unionism. Now the 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea has met three difficult problems that are connected with each others. They are militant economism, political economism and formal industrial unionism. However the 'Candlelight Revolution' occurred in 2016 winter has opened a chance of regime change that could strengthen the 'Minjoonojoundong'. The revolution was primarily a political one. But it also created a dramatic situation change in labour politics. The candle-citizen demanded radical change of the polarized Korean society and overflown contingent workers. So it is a time of radical and overall innovation for the 'Minjoonojoundong' and KCTU. And they have to keep the long-term strategical vision of labour regime change.