• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.23-48
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• 2018

The Silk Road usually implies a network of trade and communications that stretched from east to west and connected China and the countries of the Far East via Central Asia and the Middle East to the eastern Mediterranean, or through the northern coast of the Caspian Sea and the Volga basin to the Black Sea coast. However, at certain historical stages, a network of maritime and overland routes stretching from north to south, commonly called the Volga-Caspian trade route, also played a significant role in international trade and cultural contacts. The geopolitical realities of the early Middle Ages relating to the relationship of Byzantium, the Sassanid Empire, and the West Turkic Khaganate, the advance of the Arab Caliphate to the north, the spread of Islam in the Volga region, the glories and fall of the Khazar State, and the Scandinavian campaigns in the Caucasus, closely intertwined with the history of transport and communications connecting the north and south through the Volga-Caspian route. In a later era, the interests of the Mongolian Uluses, and then the political and economic aspirations of the Ottoman Empire, the Safavid State, and Russia, collided or combined on these routes. The article discusses trade contacts existing between the north and the south in the 15th and first half of the 17th century along the routes on the western coast of the Caspian Sea.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.27-46
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is two-fold: first, to discuss the concept of health diplomacy and the Korean government's response to contain the COVID-19 pandemic; second, to assess and compare assumptions of variances about foreigners' perceptions of how Korea is leveraging digital technology in battling the coronavirus spread, and its vaccine campaign; through the lenses of Chinese, Filipino, and Pakistani foreign nationals who are currently living in Korea. A total of 219 foreigners responded to the survey. The collected data were analyzed as percentages, mean averages, t-test, and ANOVA for statistical analysis. Results show that Korea is utilizing its digital technology practices and vaccine campaign in battling the pandemic through efforts of health diplomacy. ANOVA indicated significant results and assumptions of variance across three ethnic groups showing the Pakistani population had higher mean scores than the Chinese and Filipino about Korea's health diplomacy during the pandemic. This study contributes to the literature on Korea's digital technology practices and vaccine campaigns amidst the COVID-19 pandemic by promoting its image through health diplomacy efforts. It projects the country's soft image on a global scale, to save the lives of locals and foreign nationals, by providing insights into health diplomacy in Korea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.145-156
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• 2011

The study is to analyze voting behaviors revealed through the June 2 local elections, and to learn their implications by exploring and comparing the main factors that influence how to recognize and select a candidate. To achieve this, in-depth interviews have been conducted focusing on those who voted in the last election. The analysis shows that most respondents regard their political tendencies as moderate and make decisions on whom to vote for 2 to 3 days prior to election. It also indicates that what party candidates belong to is the highest motivation in deciding for whom to vote and they generally vote as they believe. According to the study, not only do the poll's results hardly affect their choice of candidates, but also the polls turn out significantly different from the actual results. The great gap between the polls and the actual outcome signifies that how to conduct a poll is wrong and people intend to conceal their opinions. While the media has had a decisive effect on the image of candidates, it is through promotional materials for political campaigns that the candidates' policy is recognized. The study also says that the Four-River is the most influential political issue in election. The study identifies voters' behavior specifically and in depth, and suggests some lessons to make use of for the future elections.

• The Journal of the Korean dental association
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• v.48 no.12
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• pp.893-918
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• 2010

This article is purposed of reviewing the development history of Japanese dental devices and instrument, and their related advertisement activities during the Japanese colonized period in Korea in early 20th century. Japanese dental devices and instrument were redesigned to accommodate their ergonomic shape above the simple imitation, and it implies the excessive desires brought them frustrations. The tragic earthquake on Sep. l, 1923, medical insurance law enforcement on Jan. 1, 1927, celebration of "Cavity prevention Day" started on Jun. 4, 1928, and the attack of Manchuria and China by Japan after 1931, all of these historical incidents become the preliminary requirement for the development of dental devices. On Nov. 1, 1937, Japanese government started to control dental materials, driving the campaigns for excluding foreign products and encourging the use of local products. In 1939, Nakajima dental manufacturers used this political and social atmosphere on their advertisement as saying "Our Nakajima's products have no compromise with the short raw materials, but only commitment to our quality". Since after 1940, the price and supply have been strongly under control, and the control group was appeared to manage all of supply and distribution of raw materials, regular price system, and specifications. At last, the Japanese national power were devastated in its production and distribution capacities, and get to the frustrated period. The main advertised dental devices and instruments in Korea during the Japanese colonized period were 1) dental chair, unit and cabinet, 2) dental x-ray, 3) compressors, 4) dental needles, 5) small instrument and carryon medical(emergency) kit, 6) oral hygiene and pyorrhea alveolaris, infrared rays, sunlight lamp, ultrashort wave treatment devices, 7)crown former, electric furnace, casting machine, articulator, electric lathe, and laboratory equipments, etc.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.199-207
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• 2020

Recently, big data analysis has drawn attention in various fields as it can generate value from large amounts of data and is also used to run political campaigns or predict results. However, existing research had limitations in compiling information about candidates at a high-level by analyzing only specific SNS data. Therefore, this study analyses news trends, topics extraction, sentiment analysis, keyword analysis, comment analysis for the 2017 presidential election of South Korea. The results show that various topics had been generated, and online opinions are extracted for trending keywords of respective candidates. This study also shows that portal news and comments can serve as useful tools for predicting the public's opinion on social issues. This study will This paper advances a building strategic course of action by providing a method of analyzing public opinion across various fields.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.3-32
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• 2001

In this paper, local public archives is referred to the public archives of provincial governments and metropolitan city governments as defined in the public Records Management Act. Under the Act, as professional archives, the local public archives preserves records designated as permanent preservation which the local government and its sub-agencies created or received to conduct public business. The Act also allows local public archives to establish an appropriate basic plan to manage its holdings as well as to oversight its sub-agencies. The Act stipulates that the local public archives are to be established in all provinces and metropolitan cities. The local public archives shall preserve archival heritage safely and utilize use of the recorded information as defined in the Article one of the Act. The local archives shall respect the principle of provenance. It is expected that the local archives shall strengthen local archival promotion campaigns which necessarily reflect unique local circumstances. However, as the Act just recommended the establishment of local public archives not to force as a mandatory procedure, it resulted in a flow of some confusions and misinterpretations. Despite the act was proclaimed two years ago, the local public archives are not yet established, not to mention that no preparatory works are on the way. To establish the local public archives effectively which meet local residents needs and demands, provincial governments and metropolitan city governments should proceed a well-prepared preparatory works plan considering the steps to transform them into the local public archives when they establish agency records centers. The first step in this process is to reach at a common consensus on the functions and roles of the local public archives which accommodates local residents needs and demands. Secondly, by analyzing the functions of archives to be established, an estimation of needed human resources, facilities, equipments, organization, budget appropriation, and local rules should be performed. Otherwise, the establishment of decent local archives is a far remote future. One of the methods to proceed this project systematically is to establish a local research institute for the local archives and cultural studies which would be put under the local university authority while consulting with local governments, local civil organizations, local historical and cultural societies. It is very undesirable to stress too much upon administrative efficiency when concerned parties discuss the functions and roles of the local public archives. They must keep in mind that when the functions to collect and use historically valuable records are active then administrative efficiency can be raised as well as accountability. Collecting and arranging historically valuable records is a short-cut way to promote accountability and develop local political culture. The local public archives is a valuable community historical center and an effective medium to facilitate historical speaking and writing among local people, something more than a simple public archives. Then our campaign for the establishment of local public archives can be a meaningful political cultural movement.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.29-39
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• 2020

Online communities, such as Internet portal sites and social media, have become popular since they allow users to share opinions and to obtain information anytime, anywhere. Accordingly, an increasing number of opinions are manipulated to the advantage of particular groups or individuals, and these opinions include falsified product reviews and political propaganda. Existing detection systems are built upon the characteristics of manipulated opinions for one particular time period. However, manipulation tactics change over time to evade detection systems and to more efficiently spread information, so detection systems should also evolve according to the changes. We therefore propose a system that helps observe and trace changes in manipulation tactics. This system classifies opinions into clusters that represent different tactics, and changes in these clusters reveal evolving tactics. We evaluated the system with over a million opinions collected during three election campaigns and found various changes in (i) the times when manipulations frequently occur, (ii) the methods to manipulate recommendation counts, and (iii) the use of multiple user IDs. We suggest that the operators of online communities perform regular audits with the proposed system to identify evolutions and to adjust detection systems.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.34
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• pp.132-160
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• 2006

The main purpose of this study is based on the comparative analysis over news framing of the family headship(Hoju) abolition in Korean society. This study examined the newspaper articles involving the Hoju abolition, which had been printed on the three major dailies, Chosun, Kukmin, Hankyoreh through February of 1990 to July of 2005. First, the news articles were analyzed and classified on the basis of their lengths, news types, main characters, news framing and systematic framing. Second, the articles that this study looked into were divided into the five major periods when the issue of the Hoju abolition in Korean society surfaced as a main social agenda to be discussed. Third, the main differences between the noticeable frame and unnoticeable frame in each period were analyzed through the three different perspectives which can also can be sub-divided into the six different attributes. This study found that the Hoju abolition as an attribute had developed into political, legal and social fields. The analysis of the research shows that the articles related to the patriarchy abolition showed more dominant frame which reflected the social change or the general tendency of the times. However, the analysis indicates that the articles in the level of an attribute included more dominant frame which mirrored a male chauvinism society. It also points out that the articles contained more dominant frame which was be used as a standard to find out the readers' political inclination. The articles also showed the dominant frame which included the revision and legal process of family laws before presidential or general election campaigns. The study also found that there were major differences among the three dailies. First of all, Chosun, regarded the Hoju as a custom by stressing that 'it is necessary to keep Hoju system to intensify the role and crisis of family if the Hoju will be abolished'. However, Hankyoreh recognized the issue as an important one to improve feminism and female rights by maintaining that 'it is the time to balance the inequality out between men and women with the abolition of patriarchy'. Finally, Kukmin treated the issue as an first step to acknowledge the dignity of females by emphasizing that 'a revision of the law is essential to accept the changing ethics of the times'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.49-73
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• 2006

During the past decades, public opinion polls have become an ubiquitous tool for probing the complexity of people's beliefs and attitudes on a wide variety of issues. Especially since the late 1970s, the use of polls by news organizations has increased dramatically. Along with the proliferation of traditional polls, in the past few years pollsters and news organizations have come to recognize the advantages of online polls. Increasingly there has been more effort to take the pulse of the public through the Internet. With the Internet's rapid growth during the past years, advocates of online polling often emphasize the relative advantages over traditional polls. Researchers from Harris Black International Ltd., for example, argue that "Internet polling is less expensive and faster and offers higher response rates than telephone surveys." Moreover, since many of the newer online polls draw respondents from large databases of registered Internet users, results of online polls have become more balanced. A series of Harris Black online polls conducted during the 1998 gubernatorial and senatorial elections, for example, has accurately projected the winners in 21 of the 22 races it tracked. Many researchers, however, severely criticize online polls for not being representative of the larger population. Despite the often enormous number of participants, Internet users who participate in online polls tend to be younger, better educated and more affluent than the general population. As Traugott pointed out, the people polled in Internet surveys are a "self selected" group, and thus "have volunteered to be part of the test sample, which could mean they are more comfortable with technology, more informed about news and events ... than Americans who aren't online." The fact that users of online polls are self selected and demographically very different from Americans who have no access to the Internet is likely to influence the estimates of what the majority of people think about social or political issues. One of the goals of this study is therefore to analyze whether people perceive traditional and online public opinion polls differently. While most people might not differentiate sufficiently between traditional random sample polls and non representative online polls, some audiences might perceive online polls as more useful and representative. Since most online polls allow some form of direct participation, mostly in the form of an instant vote by mouse click, and often present their findings based on huge numbers of respondents, consumers of these polls might perceive them as more accurate, representative or reliable than traditional random sample polls. If that is true, perceptions of public opinion in society could be significantly distorted for those who rely on or participate in online polls. In addition to investigating how people perceive random sample and online polls, this study focuses on the perceived impact of public opinion polls. Similar to these past studies, which focused on how public opinion polls can influence the perception of mass opinion, this study will analyze how people perceive the effects of polls on themselves and other people. This interest springs from prior studies of the "third person effect," which have found that people often tend to perceive that persuasive communications exert a stronger influence on others than on themselves. While most studies concerned with the political effects of public opinion polls show that exit polls and early reporting of election returns have only weak or no effects on the outcome of election campaigns, some empirical findings suggest that exposure to polls can move people's opinions both toward and away from perceived majority opinion. Thus, if people indeed believe that polls influence others more than themselves, perceptions of majority opinion could be significantly altered because people might anticipate that others will react more strongly to poll results.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.125-149
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• 2012

This study explores the formational process of KBS PD's professional identity in the 1970's, focusing on everyday work and workplace for program production. In terms of salary and social-cultural status, a television PD was not a desirable occupation in the 70's. Since the beginning of radio broadcasting, production of culture and education programs had been sub-categorized under Programming Division. Also, it has been claimed in several researches that in the 70's, the production of education and cultural programs had visibly grown owing to the political necessity of policy PR and campaigns, and the introduction of new broadcasting equipment and technologies for producing the mentioned political campaign programs. However, this study argues that the main force that led to such developments was the cultural practices and the production spirits of the KBS PD's. These PD's trained themselves in production workplace from the bottom by assisting film directors and learning from cameramen about the film making and post-production process. Moreover, in the transitional phase from film to magnetic tape recorder, they established themselves as main subjectivities of production by developing Division of Culture and Education as a specialized and independent sector. The "program production spirit and DNA" that evolved from the experiences of working in poor production environment served as a force for developing professional and self identity. However, the culture and education PD's of the 70's were still tied down to the limited roles of simply providing technological and productional 'professionalism' within the hegemonic structure of the strong state. As with the members of any other social domain at the time, PD's had restricted roles to play and putting in effort and competing to create better programs was the only 'freedom' that was allowed. This study argues that under such condition, KBS PD's implemented two strategies to construct their own professional identities: one was to distinguish themselves from official broadcasters, and the other was to distinguish themselves from commercial broadcasters. Unfortunately, ethical practice as a professional became nothing more than an issue of personal morality and broadcasting's public responsibility was lost under the shadows of commercial broadcasting.