• Title/Summary/Keyword: origin of country

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Studies on the Anther Culture of Prunus mume S. et Z. and the Other Three Species (Prunus mume S. et Z. 외(外) 삼종(三種)의 약배양(葯培養)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Jai Saing
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.1-7
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    • 1976
  • When haploid plant would be appeared by the anther culture, the large quantity of young plant multiplied maternal inheritance and the same pure line rapidly in the short length of time, which will be effected to cut down much expences efforts and time for the production of seeds or seedlings. Therefore, the development of the technique for this would be much profited in the country industry. In the late of a few years studies were early attempted in this field, but up this time there were a few success of plants only and none of perennial plant. In this status of the country condition required earnestly for the development of the green industry, this researcher attempted to culture the anther of late uninucleate microspore or early binucleate microspore of the Prunus mume and other three psecies, economic trees estimated specially economic, on the place of Modified Murashige and Skoog's medium supliment with Kinetine, 2.4-D, and N.A.A for inducing haploid plants. The obtained results were as follows: 1. 2,000 anthers were cultured and there were shown that 2N callus in Prunus mume had 82 as 4.1%, 2N callus in Prunus tomentosa 15 as 0.8%, 2 N callus in Prunus salisina 75 as 4% 2. N callus had shown 40 as 2% from Prunus armeniaca var. ansu only, and the other trees showed all 2N callus. 3. Callus had appeared in every tree but 2N callus appeared was all filaments and there showed from only connective tissue N callus appeared was all from anther locule inside. 4. Then Prunus armeniaca var. ansu only was not callus of somatic anther tissue origin, but as there was callus origined from microspore which was changed in to swollen microspores or polynucleate microspores, it was certained to need haploid plant.

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An Examination into the Illegal Trade of Cultural Properties (문화재(文化財)의 국제적 불법 거래(不法 去來)에 관한 고찰)

  • Cho, Boo-Keun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.371-405
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    • 2004
  • International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

Inflow at Ssangyongmun Gate During the Goryeo Dynasty and Its Identity (고려시대 쌍룡문경(雙龍紋鏡) 유입(流入)과 독자성(獨自性))

  • Choi, Juyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.142-171
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    • 2019
  • The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.

A Study of Dohang-Ri wooden coffin and Anya-Kuk (도항리목관묘(道項里木棺墓) 안사국(安邪國))

  • Lee, Ju-Huen
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.5-37
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    • 2004
  • A wooden coffin has been given academic attention in Kaya(伽倻), due to the place the stage of Samhan society appropriately in the development of ancient korea history. Special attention must be paid on Dohang-Ri(道項里) woden coffin, since it is expected to explain the origin of Arakaya(阿羅伽倻) in the region of southen korea peninsula. Dohang-Ri wooden coffin is become generally knowen two types, and complete its unique feature in Chin-Han(辰韓) and Byun-Han(弁韓). Recently the fact that Dohang-Ri wooden coffin is discovered only in the king tombs of Chang Won Daho-Ri(昌原茶戶里) and it is remarkable of political connection between Kuya-Kuk (狗邪國) and Anya-Kuk(安邪國). Various ironware unearth of Dohang-Ri has seen similar to that from Daho-Ri, but it has not bronze mirror be maid Chines, symbol with dignity of social position in the ruling ciass. It seems that political unit of Daho-Ri is advanced sociaity and central force than Dohang-Ri in the Byun-Han. The later of two century, I have a think about wooden coffin changes the wooden chamble of Dohang-Ri and Daho-Ri that it go out of sight at AD.2 century. Becouse of possitive achaelogical sites has not confirm, it request radical interpretaion. I inference to accordingly to the it appearance connected of the wars between the eight country of southen regins in korea peninsula at the first half of AD.3 cencury. Exactly, the politial units of Dohang-Ri and Daho-Ri has concentration of trade in Racdong river(洛東江) and Nam river(南江) water system and that give form to coexistence system of economic and political mutuality.

A Study on the Traditional Costumes and Tattoo of the Maori (마오리族 傳統 服飾과 文身 考察)

  • 황춘섭;정현주
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.241-260
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    • 1995
  • The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

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Comparative Study on Antioxidative Activity of Glycyrrhiza uralensis and Glycyrrhiza glabra Extracts by Country of Origin (원산지별 감초 추출물의 항산화 활성 비교 연구)

  • Han, Saet Byeol;Gu, Hyun A;Kim, Su Ji;Kim, Hye Jin;Kwon, Soon Sik;Kim, Hae Soo;Jeon, So Ha;Hwang, Jun Pil;Park, Soo Nam
    • Journal of the Society of Cosmetic Scientists of Korea
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    • v.39 no.1
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    • pp.1-8
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    • 2013
  • In this work, comparative study on antioxidative activities of extracts from Glycyrrhiza uralensis (G. uralensis) produced in Korea and in China and Glycyrrhiza glabra (G. glabra) produced in Uzbekistan was conducted. Among three origins, 50% ethanol extracts (21.15 ${\mu}g/mL$), ethyl acetate fraction (29.15 ${\mu}g/mL$) and aglycone fraction (3.26 ${\mu}g/mL$) of G. uralensis from Korea showed the higher free radical (1,1-phenyl-2-picrylhydrazyl, DPPH) scavenging activity ($FSC_{50}$) than extracts from other origins. Reactive oxygen species (ROS) scavenging activities ($OSC_{50}$) of extracts from three origins on ROS generated in $Fe^{3+}-EDTA/H_2O_2$ system were investigated using luminol-dependent chemiluminescence assay 50% ethanol extract (1.00 ${\mu}g/mL$) and ethyl acetate fraction (0.34 ${\mu}g/mL$) of G. uralensis from China showed the most prominent ROS scavenging activity. The protective effects of extract/fractions of G. uralensis and G. glabra extracts on the rose-bengal sensitized photohemolysis of human erythrocytes were investigated. 50% ethanol extract and aglycone fraction of G. uralensis and G. glabra extracts from three origins showed cellular protective effects in a concentration dependent manner (5 ~ 50 ${\mu}g/mL$). Aglycone fraction of G. uralensis from Korea (${\tau}_{50}$ = 847.4 min)especially showed cellular protective effects four times higher than that from China (${\tau}_{50}$ = 194.3 min). These results indicate that G. uralensis and G. glabra extracts, which have been used as whitening agent, could be applicable to functional cosmetic ingredient as a natural antioxidant. Judging from the prominent cellular protecitve effects, it is concluded that G. uralensis and G. glabra extracts can protect the skin from $^1O_2$ and various ROS induced by UV.

A Philological Comparative Study on HwanWoong of Samgukyusa and YanDi-ShenNong (『삼국유사(三國遺事)』의 환웅(桓雄)과 염제신농(炎帝神農)과 기록학적 비교고찰)

  • Yoon, Soon
    • Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.57-79
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    • 2001
  • [Go-Choseon], the first volume of Samgukyusa, is composed of two parts, the part of myth and that of history. There are very similar divinities between Hwanwoong in the myth of Dangun and YanDi-ShenNong of China: the solar divinity essential for survival of mankind and agriculture, the agriculture divinity said to have taught fanning, the medicine divinity said to have taught the characteristics of herbs and how to prevent diseases, the cultural hero who delivered civilization, and son on. During the transition from the age of myth to the age of history, the roles of gods had changed from the creation of the world to civilization and rule. The roles of Hwanwoong and YanDi-ShenNong were civilization and it was related with their divinities. Hence, regardless of a little difference, the myth of Hwanwoong and that of YanDi-ShenNong were created at the same stage of spiritual and material civilizations of Korea and China. This paper looks at the essence of [Wiseo] and the age of Hwanwoong through historical records. In my opinion, [Wiseo] is not a chinese history' book. The record, "According to [Wiseo] there had been Dangun-Wanggum 2,000 years ago" indicates the time [Wiseo] was written. 'Wi' means Wlman-choseon. Going back about 2,000 years from Wiman-choseon, the historical dates of the establishment of [Go-Choseon] almost dovetails to the age of King 'lao. So, there is a possibility that [Wiseo] is a history book of Wiman-Choseon dynasty which was written to prove the legitimacy of the dynasty by showing it succeeded to the Dangilll-Choseon dynasty. The sentences, "governed the country for 1,500 years" and "conferred Gija the position of king of Choseon" are very important records showing the age of the establishment of Dangun-Choseon. Gija came to Choseon in B.C 1122 when Yin replaced Zhou in the Choinese Continent. From the fact that Dangun had governed Choseon, we could reason out that Go-Choseon was established in B.C. 2622 that is much eariler than the era of king Yao, and that corresponds 'With the era of HuangDi(B.C 2698-2358). Hence, the era of Hwanwoong, the father-god of Dangun, might be later than B.G 3000 which conforms to the era of YanDi-ShenNong(B.C 3218-2600). Therefore, this paper contends lhat Hwanwoong and YanDi-ShenNong played the role of civilization in the same era [Go-Choseon], the first volume of Samgukusa is philologically very valuable material for research on the origin of Korean nation and its ancient history.

A study on Perfume case (향(香) 집에 관한연구)

  • 이선재
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.33
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    • pp.117-142
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    • 1997
  • This study is on perfume case that is one of a great number of ornaments which was designed by out ancestors. We had developed the tradition and the history of perfume case bag fan-weight etc. These have the same function as the present perfume. case. There were basket-shaped perfume cases which were the smellest one among the personal girdle ornaments in the silla era. The various patterned perfume case were made of gold metal coral platinum or green jadeite etc. In the single-crop trinkets a embroidered perfume bag with the gold and silver thread whose forms perfectly match their functions appeared during the Yi Dynasty. There was also a perfume bag which was one of the daily necessities. A precious "jul perfume" was carried by noble women. A fan-weight perfume bag was attached to the fan to emphasize the intrinsic beauty of utility and function. It is necessary to know the function of prefume case. As perfume case is weared on the clothes it was given more decorative effects as well as the function of medicinal amulet with a sweet smell. Therefore it is very important for us to study perfume case that has various function as an ornament. So The purpose of this study is to investigate the practical and decorative side of perfume case with the general examines of perfume finding how to practice use through our life. The results were as follows; 1. The first use of perfume is perfume through smoke which is for ceremony of religion It removes human body odor by degrees and spreads a sweet odor. Also the materials for making perfume of early age is aromatic plants which will be used flour-made flowers stems. As the materials for making perfume use is increasing today we can invent alcohol perfume today 2. Our country the custom of perfume-used is wide. Among them men's perfume-used was very special phenomenon. For example men were wearing perfume bag in the Silla era. Because perfume represented wealth and noble in those days. They shew off social position personality through perfume-used. 3. One of early religion ceremony article there was the perfume. And perfume case was means for containing perfume. Gradually the perfume case was used widly as increasing needs of perfume in human life. 4. In the middle period of 'Koryo' Dynasty perfume cases had a close relationship with clothes but after Mongolian has been attacked 'Koryo' there were changes in wearing clothes therefore the position of perfume cases were transfered to coat string that was the origin of decoration style that they began. That is to say the perfume case has been influenced the position of perfume case shapes with changing of fashion. 5. The perfume case has been made manifest various function as an ornament. In the practical side First medical-perfume in perfume case has been played an important role in first-aid medicine in critical condition. Second it was amulet for self protection. That is the shape pattern color materials perfume of the perfume case was represented the amuletive nature. Third it was used as substitute article of perfume. Modern women use liquid-perfume as our ancestors used perfume case bag or jul perfume As started above. Also In the decorative side the perfume case has a beautiful formative arts by itself as well as a close relationship with clothes. That well as a close relationship with clothes. That is when the perfume case is worn on the clothes costume is showed aesthetices. That is the materials shapes color pattern of the perfume case we can see the visual beauty also the materials colors embroidered pattern knots tassel that are used the perfume case are increased the decorative beauty of costume. Sixth the symbol in pattern of the pattern case is shown ancetor's wealth and rank health longevity immortality many-born-boy in those days. Today the perfume case is not used with changing of costume by degrees, Accordingly I hope that the result of this study is an influened in devlopment of the perfume case design with matching the modern fashion.

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A Study on Marketing of Cultured Laver Products (양식해태의 유통에 관한 조사 연구)

  • 유충열
    • The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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    • v.4 no.1_2
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    • pp.19-57
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    • 1973
  • Laver io one of the most necessary and seasonal items in Korean food from oldtimes. Laver is lagely eaten in dried form, and its supply depends entirely upon culture weeds. The history of laver culture in Korea about sixty or seventy years is older than in Japan. Significance of laver culture is divided into two aspects, one is food supply in the nation, and the other is export to other countries. Houses engaged in laver culture are about foully thousands, and laver production in 1972 is estimated as 1, 3 bitten sheets. (1 sheet is a dried laver of 20 cm sq, in the shape of paper) Especcially meaning of layer production is the concentration of labour input, and systematic management of labour. From around 1920, the method of laver culture was introduced by Japanese Imperialism for mono culture in shallow seas, and mass products of laver is provided to Japan market, DOMESTIC MARKET Fundamental consume function calculates at below, $D_{(68_71)}$=16354 $Y^{0.471}$ $P^{-1.0662}$ where D is total layer demand, Y income variable, P price variable. It means income elasticity is 476. in the whole country, and price elasticity is 1, 07. But generally income elasticity is higher in urban area than in rural area, as shown at 1, 3 in Seoul city. Expence of laver in house expenditure is mutually correlated with another expence, See Table 12 about the relative function. See Table 14 and 16 about the relation between the gathering and the changes of price in auction, wholesale and retail price support system is for two effects, one of which is constraint of the upper price, the other is rise of the lower price. Before the system control, the equation in three year average calculated as below, $Y_{b}$ =18, 907.7455+15435.9364 t (r=0.89) where the origin t=0 is the November and the units are month. Post the system control, $Y_{p}$ =30, 047.9636+1, 631.1721t (r=0.97) therefore, this system has an effect only on the rise of lower price, Average annual margins of laver products at four market levels according to the consumer spent is below. EXPORTING MARKET Japanese demand function of laver products is, Log D=5, 289+1, 108 Log Y-1, 395 Log P (r=0.987) where D is Japanese laver demand, Y income variable, P price variable. according to which income elasticity is 1. 1 and price elasticity is 1.4. Laver production in 1970 tile highest record till then, is estimated as six billion sheets. But the recent improvement of laver culture techniques, the production of seeds and freezing storage of seeds has been stabilized. Futher new culture farms have been developed by means of break- water fences or by floating culture method. These improvements have been backed up with increased demand of laver products. Import quantity and price of Korean laver products are restrained by three organizations, that is producer, distributor and consumer. This relationship calculated by regression equation shows that import is influenced only producer organization, at the sacrifice of consumer profit. For increase to export of laver products, we urgently require to open foreign trade of laver products for Japanese consumer, .and Japan has political responsibility to solve Korean laver structure. But with long run timeseries, as regards Japanese production and import quantity, importing function shows increasing trend as below, 250 million sheets <3, 947.1674+0.005 $L_{g}$ >) 600 million sheets where $L_{q}$ is relative production quantity of laver in Japan. (unit; 100 thousand sheets) Our Export effort should be put on the highly processed products whithin the restraind quote.ote.

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Study on the Present Condition and Type Analysis of Rock Korean Chessboards in Korean Landscape (암각장기판의 형상 및 입지 특성에 관한 연구)

  • Jeong, Poo-Reum;Kim, Jeong-Moon;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.15-25
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    • 2017
  • The objective of this study is to investigate the value of rock Korean chessboards as a corroborative evidence that go, the play culture naturalized from the past, was also performed under the pavilion of the mountain stream, and the old tree. This study executes analysis on the location and form of rock Korean chessboards, physical environment such as the position of surrounding space, the origin of the nomination, surrounding landscape, and historical significance through the research analysis of comprehensive present conditions, and highlights the position types, landscape significance, and preservation value of the rock Korean chessboards of Korea from diverse angles. The result is as follows. 1. The styles of Korean chess (將棋), which identically propagated in the representative countries of Eastern culture, Korea, China, and Japan, and modified in accordance with each country's idea and native tendency, were organized, and confirmed the Korean Go as a naturalized native culture. 2. Out of 15 rock Korean chessboards confirmed through this study, 9 (60%) were categorized as rock Korean chessboards, and 6 (40%) were categorized as stone Korean chessboards. Also, the average size of the go boards were $51cm{\times}46.6cm$, which demonstrated not much difference with present day universal go boards. The Pearson correlation coefficient between bed rock and go boards were 0.647, demonstrating a relatively high correlation; the research subject of rock go boards have been constructed in consideration of rationality, convenience, and the value of promotion of public welfare. 3. The results of analysis of location patterns of rock Korean chessboard showed that villages (87%), mooring (73%), plains (60%) and mountains (47%). The most frequent location pattern is mooring and village, and these two factors played the most important role in determining the location of the rock Korean chessboard.