• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• Food Engineering Progress
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.56-63
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• 2011

Durum wheat semolina was added into wet-milled rice flour in order to improve chewy texture, firm bite ("al dente"), and resistance to overcooking of the ordinary rice noodles. Wet noodles were prepared by mixing 0 (control), 5, 10, 15, and 20% (w/w) of semolina per semolina and rice flour mixtures. Vital gluten (4%, w/w) and salt (2%, w/w) were added to form the pliable strands of wet noodles and final moisture contents of the raw mixtures were equalized at 45%. Pasting properties of the suspended flour mixtures as measured by the Rapid Visco Analyser (RVA) showed slight increases (up to $1.2^{\circ}C)$ in pasting temperatures along with the considerable decreases in peak viscosities as semolina increased at over 15%. Reduced shear thinning and retrogradation of the starch solution that leads to hardening of the cooked noodles were indicated by lowered breakdown viscosities and gaps between finaland setback viscosities from the RVA viscogram as semolina increased at over 10%. Reduced water uptake and turbidity increases of the cooking water as caused by the soluble starches from the noodle were also noted as the content of semolina increased. More or less significant (p<0.05) decreases in colorimetric L (lightness) value of the raw- and cooked noodles were observed as semolina increased while a- (redness) and b (yellowness) values were rather increased at the same moment. Textural properties of the cooked noodles such as hardness, springiness, cohesiveness, gumminess, and chewiness from TPA tests were significantly (p<0.05) influenced by added semolina, even at 5%-levels or more. It can be concluded that addition of semolina into rice flour could provide easy handling of the wet noodles without distortion during transportation, integrity and firm bite of the cooked noodles, and less loss of starch to the cooking water in comparison with the ordinary rice noodle. It was finally suggested that optimum level of the semolina in the product was approximately 10% for the quality wet rice noodle products.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.12
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• pp.137-178
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• 2005

The anticommunist guerrillas' activities that aretheconcern of this article took place largely in North Korea or behind the enemy-held lines. Verifying their history is accordingly difficult and requires careful attention, but despite their active operations the military as well as the scholarly community have been lax in studying them. The Korean War came to be perceived as a traditional, limited war with regular battles, so that the studies addressed mostly the regular operations, and guerrilla warfare is remembered as an almost 'exclusive property' of the communist invaders; a small wonder that the anticommunist guerrillas have not been studied much and the collection of materials neglected. Therefore, in contrast with the witness accounts concerning regular battles, witness resources were of a small volume about these "patriots without the service numbers." For the above reasons the guerrilla participants and their later-organized fellowships took to the task of leaving records and compiling the histories of their units. They became active preservers of history in order to inform later generations of their works and also to secure deserved benefits from the government, in a world where none recognized their achievements. For instance, 4th Donkey Unit published witness accounts in addition to a unit history, and left video-recordings of guerrilla witnesses before any institute systematized the oral history of the guerrillas. In the case of Kyulsa ("Resolved to Die") Guerrilla Unit, the unit history was 10 times revised and expanded upon for publication, contributing substantially to the recovery of anticommunist guerrilla history which had almost totally lacked documented resources. Now because the guerrilla-related witness accounts were produced through fellowship societies and not individually, it often took the form of 'collective memory.' As a result, though thousands of former guerrillas remain surviving, the scarcity of numerous versions of, or perspectives upon, an event renders difficult an objective approach to the historical truth. Even requests to verify the service of a guerrilla member or to apply for decoration or government benefits for those killed in action, the process is taken care of not at the hands of the first party but the veteran society, so that a variety of opinions are not available for consideration. Moreover, some accounts were taken by American military personnel, and since some historians, unaware of official documents or evaluation of achievements, tended to center the records around their own units and especially to exaggerate the units' performances, they often featured factual errors. Thefollowing is the means to utilize positively the aforementioned type of witness accounts in military history research. It involves the active use of military historical detachments (MHD). As in the examples of those dispatched by the American forces during the Korean War, experts should be dispatched during, and not just after, wartimes. By considering and investigating the differences among various perspectives on the same historical event, even without extra documented resources it is possibleto arrive at theerrors or questionable points of the oral accounts, supplementing the additional accounts. Therefore any time lapses between witness accounts must be kept in consideration. Moreover when the oral accounts come from a group such as participants in the same guerrilla unit or operation, a standardized list of items ought to be put to use. Education in oral history is necessary not just for the training of experts. In America wherethefield sees much activity, it is used not only in college or graduate programs but also in elementary and lifetime educational processes. In comparison in our nation, and especially in historical disciplines, methodological insistence upon documented evidences prevails in the main, and in the fields of nationalist movement or modern history, oral accounts do not receive adequate attention. Like ancient documents and monuments, oral history also needs to be made a regular part of diverse resource materials at our academic institutes for history. Courses in memory and history, such as those in American colleges, are available possibilities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.110-125
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the constructional facts and the operational features of Hamchunwon(含春苑), a wonyu(苑?, a royal garden) constructed in Dongbu(Eastern District) of the capital city of Hanyang. As the living quarters of the queen dowagers were scheduled for relocation after the construction of Changgyeonggung Palace(昌慶宮) during the reign of King Seongjong(成宗), it is presumed that the screening tree planting project discussed around tongmangcheo(通望處, a place allowing open view) was the original form of Dongbu Hamchunwon. Dongbu Hamchunwon was a longitudinal royal garden built in the area across the section from Wolgeunmun Gate(月覲門) to Seoninmun Gate(宣仁門), which were both attached to the east side walls of Changgyeonggung Palace. The area corresponds to the west side area of the newly built main building of Seoul National University Hospital today. During the Joseon Dynasty, only royal gardens built within a palace were referred to as geumwon(禁苑, a palace garden). But Dongbu Hamchunwon which was built outside a palace was recognized as a symbolic and hierarchical space comparable to geumwon. The site location of Donbu Hamchunwon was an important place that corresponded to Naecheongnyong(內靑龍) according to Hanyang's geomancy, and large-scale public works were prohibited in order to protect the vein of Naecheongnyong. During the reign of King Injo(仁祖), part of Dongbu Hamchunwon was partitioned as a ranch. The area around the ranch was called Madongsan(馬東山) and Bangmawon(放馬苑) and was an open space used for rest and pleasure (amusement). In the early days of Hamchunwon's construction, fast growing trees were planted to screen the view to Changgyeonggung Palace. However, after the construction of Gyeongmogung Shrine(景慕宮), a broad scale tree planting project was undertaken to complement Naecheongnyong's vapor of the earth. In particular, after the construction of Yugeunmum Gate(?覲門) and Yucheommun Gate(?瞻門) during the reign of King Jeongjo(正祖), Dongbu Hamchunwon functioned as a key point on the King's progress for paying respects to the ancestors, which followed the route of Palace(Changgyeonggung)-Wonyu(Hamchunwon)-Ancestral Shrine(Gyeongmogung).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.122-147
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• 2017

The Jungsandong sites are distributed across quartz and mica schist formations in Precambrian, and weathering layers include large amounts of non-plastic minerals such as mica, quartz, felspar, amphibole, chlorite and so on, which form the ground of the site. Neolithic pottery from Jungsandong exhibits various brown colors, and black core is developed along the inner part for some samples, and sharp comb-pattern and hand pressure marks can be observed. Their non-plastic particles have various composition, size distribution, sorting and roundness, so they are classified into four types by their characteristic mineral compositions. I-type (feldspar pottery) is including feldspar as the pain component or mica and quartz. II-type (mica pottery) is the combination of chloritized mica, talc, tremolite and diopside. III-type (talc pottery) is with a very small amount of quartz and mica. IV-type (asbestos pottery) is containing tremolite and a very small amount of talc. The inner and outer colors of Jungsandong pottery are somewhat heterogeneous. I-type pottery group shows differences in red and yellow degree, depending on the content of feldspar, and is similar to III-type pottery. II-type is similar to IV-type, because its red degree is somewhat high. The soil of the site is higher in red and yellow degree than pottery from it. The magnetic susceptibility has very wide range of 0.088 to 7.360(${\times}10^{-3}$ SI unit), but is differentiated according to minerals, main components in each type. The ranges of bulk density and absorption ratio of pottery seem to be 1.6 to 1.7 and 13.1 to 26.0%, respectively. Each type of pottery shows distinct section difference, as porosity and absorption ratio increase in the order as follows: I-type (organic matter fixed sample) < III-type and IV-type < I-type < II-type (including IV-type of IJP-15). The reason is that differences in physical property occur according to kind and size of non-plastic particles. Although Jungsandong pottery consists of mixtures of various materials, the site pottery has a geological condition on which all mineral composition of Jungsandong pottery can be provided. There, it is thought that raw materials can be supplied from weathered zone of quartz and mica schist, around the site. However, different constituent minerals, size and rock fragments are shown, suggesting the possibility that there can be more raw material pits. Thus, it is estimated that there may be difference in clay and weathering degree.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.78-103
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• 2016

This research is a study on the side framework structure of the hipped and gable roof of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple. There is a record that Muryangsujeon was deconstructed and repaired in the period of Japanese Occupancy, and its authenticity has continuously been called into question because the structure of the hipped and gable side roofs, and the bonding of the rafters and eaves were not in good order and very different from those of Joseon Dynasty. Scholars date it differently. It is either dated at 13th century or 12th century. This study compares the non-planar configuration of the middle and front proportions of Muryangsujeon's hipped-and-gable-roof framework with those of the Tang(唐) and Song(宋) Dynasties in China. It concludes that the hipped-and-gable-roof framework of those architecture were built with the same technique. The style of architecture that side rafters directly touch the internal security (梁), like in Muryangsujeon, is not usual even among the hipped and garble roofs of the Tang(唐) and Song(宋) Dynasties. The technique of constructing the hipped roofs developed much further after the Tang Dynasty because they began to use garble eaves to build the side structure. The technique seems to have developed greatly by the period of Ming and Qing Dynasties. It also seems that the parallel-flat (平行輻射椽) rafter, which is the form of rafters used between the parallelrafter period and the half-flat-rafter period is very similar to the construction style of the current rafters of Muryangsujeon. However, the Muryangsujeon's eaves do not touch the corner rafter from the middle part. This seems to be a unique style, which is not common in China. In conclusion, the style of the side roof framework of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple is not of the China's southern regions, but of the northern regions of Tang(唐), Song(宋) and Liao(遼) Dynasties. And when considering the construction year and proportions of the middle front and side front on the same flat, this must be an ancient technique of the northeastern regions of Asia. Since it is likely that the structure of the side roof framework of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple has not been altered but is a unique style of hipped and gable roofs, this roof can serve as a good guide to restoring the hipped and garble roofs of the pre-Goyreo Dynasty period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.22-37
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• 2018

Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) have attracted considerable attention both at home and abroad. The UAV is equipped with a camera that shoots images, which is advantageous for access to areas where archaeological investigations are not possible. Moreover, it is possible to acquire three-dimensional spatial image information by modeling the terrain through aerial photographing, and it is possible to specify the interpretation of the terrain of the survey area. In addition, if we understand the change of the terrain through comparison with past aerial photographs, it will be very helpful to grasp the existence of the ruins. The terrain modeling for searching these remains can be divided into two parts. First, we acquire the aerial photographs of the current terrain using the drone. Then, using image registration and post-processing, we complete the image-joining and terrain-modeling using past aerial photographs. The completed modeled terrain can be used to derive several analytical results. In the present terrain modeling, terrain analysis such as DSM, DTM, and altitude analysis can be performed to roughly grasp the characteristics of the change in the form, quality, and micro-topography. Past terrain modeling of aerial photographs allows us to understand the shape of landforms and micro-topography in wetlands. When verified with actual findings and overlapping data on the modelling of each terrain, it is believed that changes in hill shapes and buried Microform can be identified as helpful when used in low-flying applications. Thus, modeling data using aerial photographs is useful for identifying the reasons for the inability to carry out archaeological surveys, the existence of terrain and ruins in a wide area, and to discuss the preservation process of the ruins. Furthermore, it is possible to provide various themes, such as cadastral maps and land use maps, through comparison of past and present topographical data. However, it is certain that it will function as a new investigation methodology for the exploration of ruins in order to discover archaeological cultural properties.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.32-47
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine the vegetation maintenance project that was conducted as a part of the Official Development Assistance (ODA) project for the historic site of Angkor, to analyze the aspects and characteristics of the project, and to derive implications for the establishment of future policies and strategies. First, the key words used in the vegetation maintenance project at the historic site of Angkor do not only refer to the concept of plants (and more specifically to 'trees') but also to the concept of heritage. In other words, the concept of heritage is not limited to architectural structures but is also intended to mean the vegetation and surroundings that form the historic site. Second, the expansion of the value of vegetation has contributed to the establishment of the basic principles of conservation based on the 'coexistence' between architectural structures and vegetation; here, vegetation has come to be recognized as an 'essential' element in the conservation of historic sites. Third, the range of vegetation maintenance has expanded from each tree to the surroundings of the temples, and vegetation maintenance came to adopt 'integrative' and 'active' directions to improve not only the growth environment of the vegetation but also the viewing environment experienced by visitors. This change means that it is necessary for the historic site maintenance project to comprehensively deal with the temples and their surrounding areas. Fourth, for the effective performance of the ODA project, the role of the International Coordinating Committee for the Safeguarding and Development of the Historic Site of Angkor (ICC-Angkor), under the influence of UNESCO, was expanded from an examination of the problems with the existing projects to a search for solutions to technical consultation and supervision. This implies that, in order to perform the ODA project in a way that is appropriate to the local conditions, it is important to reach gradual and phased agreements with ICC-Angkor.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.272-287
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• 2019

The Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) was established in 1953 by the Korean War Armistice Agreement. It extends from the estuary of the Imjin River, in the west, to the coast of the East Sea. It is 4 km in width and 148 km in length. However, the ecosystems of the civilian control zone (CCZ) located between the southern border of the DMZ and the civilian control line (CCL) and the CCZ in the estuary of the Han River and the Yellow Sea are similar to those in the DMZ, and, therefore, the ecosystems of the DMZ and the CCZ are collectively known as the "ecosystems of the DMZ and its vicinities." The flora in the DMZ and its vicinities is composed of 1,864 species, which accounts for about 42% of all the vascular plant species on the Korean Peninsula and its affiliated islands. Conducting a detailed survey on the vegetation, flora, and fauna in the DMZ is almost impossible due to the presence of landmines and limitations on the time allowed to be spent in the DMZ. However, to assess the environmental impact of the Munsan-Gaesong railroad reconstruction project, it was possible to undertake a limited vegetation survey within the DMZ in 2001. The vegetation in Jangdan-myeon, in Paju City within the DMZ, was very simple. It was mostly secondary forests dominated by oaks such as Quercus mongolica, Q. acutissima, and Q. variabilis. The other half of the DMZ in Jangdan-myeon was occupied by grassland composed of tall grasses such as Miscanthus sinensis, M. sacchariflorus, and Phragmites japonica. Contrary to the expectation that the DMZ may be covered with pristine mature forests due to more than 60 years of no human interference, the vegetation in the DMZ was composed of simple secondary forests and grasslands formed on former rice paddies and agricultural fields. At present, the only legal protection system planned for the DMZ is the Natural Environment Conservation Act, which ensures that the DMZ would be managed as a nature reserve for only two years following Korean reunification. Therefore, firstly, the DMZ should be designated as a site of domestic legally protected areas such as nature reserve (natural monument), scenic site, national park, etc. In addition, we need to try to designate the DMZ as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve or as a World Heritage site, or as a Ramsar international wetland for international cooperation. For nomination as a world heritage site, we can emphasize the ecological and landscape value of the wetlands converted from the former rice paddies and the secondary forests maintained by frequent fires initiated by military activities. If the two Koreas unexpectedly reunite without any measures in place for the protection of nature in the DMZ, the conditions prior to the Korean War, such as rice paddies and villages, will return. In order to maintain the current condition of the ecosystems in the DMZ, we have to discuss and prepare for measures including the retention of mines and barbed-wire fences, the construction of roads and railroads in the form of tunnels or bridges, and the maintenance of the current fire regime in the DMZ.