problems involved in defining and identifying it. However, data on ownership of business establishments may be useful and one of the best alternatives for this empirical research because of use of limited information about control This study examines the spatial patterns of external control in the Korean manufacturing activities between 1986 and 1992. Using the data on ownership iinkages of multilocational firms between 15 administrative areas, it was possible to construct a matrix of organizational control in terms of the number of establishments. The control matrix was disaggregated by three types of manufacturing industries according to the capital and labor requirements of production processes used in. On the basis of the disaggregated control matrix, a series of measures were calculated for investigating the magnitude and direction of control as well as the external dependency. In the past decades Korean industrialization development has risen at a rapid pace, deepening integration into the world economy, together with the continuing growth of the large industrial firms. The expanded scale of large firms led to a spatial separation of production from control, Increasing branch plants in the nation. But recent important changes have occurred in the spatial organization of production by technological development, increasing international competition, and changing local labor markets. These changes have forced firms to reorganize their production structures, resulting in changes of the organizational structures in certain industries and regions. In this context the empirical analysis revealed the following principal trends. In general term, the geography of corporate control in Korea is marked by a twofold pattern of concentration and dispersion. The dominance of Seoul as a major command and control center has been evident over the period, though its overall share of allexternally controlled establishments has decreased from 88% to 79%. And the substantial amount of external control from Seoul has concentrated to the Kyongki and Southeast regions which are well-developed industrial areas. But Seoul's corporate ownership links tend to streteh across the country to the less-developed regions, most of which have shown a significant increase of external dependency during the period 1986-1992. At the same time, a geographic dispersion of corporate control is taking place as Kyongki province and Pusan are developing as new increasingly important command and control reaions. Though these two resions contain a number of branch plants controlled from other locations, they may be increasingly attractive as a headquarters location with increasing locally owned establishments. The geographical patterns of external control observable in each of three types of manufacturing industries were examined in order to distinguish the changing spatial structures of organizational control with respect to the characteristics of the production processes. Labor intensive manufacturing with unskilled iabor experienced the strongest external pressure from foreign competition and a lack of low cost labor. The high pressure expected not only to disinte-grate the production process but also led to location of production facilities in areas of cheap labor. The linkages of control between Seoul and the less-developed regions have slightly increased, while the external dependency of the industrialized regions might be reduced from the tendency of organizational disintegration. Capita1 intensive manufacturing operates under high entry and exit barriers due to capital intensity. The need to increase scale economies ied to an even stronger economic and spatial oncentration of control. The strong geographical oncentration of control might be influenced by orporate and organizational scale economies rather than by locational advantages. Other sectors experience with respect to branch plants of multilocational firms. The policy implications of the increase of external dependency in less-developed regions may be negative because of the very share of unskilled workers and lack of autonomy in decision making. The strong growth of the national economy and a scarcity of labor in core areas have been important factors in this regional decentralization of industries to less-developed regions. But the rather gloomy prospects of the economic growth in the near future could prevent the further industrialization of less-developed areas. A major rethinking of regional policy would have to take place towards a need for a regional policy actively favoring indigenous establishments.
Present-day world economy is characterized by : technology nationalism, economic regionalism, market protectionism, multinational corporations, efc. All nations are striving for intensifying national economic rivalry and seeking after their own interests above everything else. Many regions of the world are also forming trading blocs, which could negatively affect nonmember states. The ultimate way to meet these difficulties is to establish production facilities in the countries imposing trade regulations. However, as the existing models of direct forrign investment (DFI) do not account for the particular nature of Korean firm's DFI activities, a new point of departure is imperative. It is because of this that Korean firms have only limited firm-specific advantages, the basic precondition of extant DFI theories, compared with their developed counterparts.
Along with the fade out of the Cold War the world is undergoing a fundamental restructuring. The process is generally refered to regionalization and globalization. In this context, the Paper presents a geopolitical perspective on the future of Northeast Asia. To meet the global trend, it is expected that the countries in the area organize an economically cooperative unity, the concept of which the author calls the northeast Asian Rim (NEAR). With its huge potentials to become the largest economic area in the world and with its rather complicated historical and social background, the Rim is tentatively supposed to have a loose and soft organization, to be flexible in dealing with the intra-and interregional relations. The idea underlying the view is that the former area of confrontation between the land power and the sea power is, under the new world environment, going to recover its proper locational attributes and develop into a merging area, a new core. As a physical framework of the Rim a spatial structurc is assumed to consist of two-subrims and two development axes with four development centers.
Lee, Min-Boo;Kim, Nam-Shin;Lee, Gwang-Ryul;Han, Uk
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
/
v.11
no.4
/
pp.453-462
/
2005
The study deals with surface erosion patterns due to the development of cropland toward hillslope and hilltop in the Oncheon-gun, pyeongbuk province and Nampo city of west coast area in the North Korea, using Quick Bird satellite images with 60cm resolution. In North Korea, for national economic difficult after 1980 year, newly developed croplands have been along the gentle hillslope, in which it is possible for individual man power different from the tideland which needs large scaled man-power and equipment. The new croplands are named Darakbat(terraced farm with embankment) and Bitalbat(titled farm developed on the original hill slope), neighboring with orchard and grouped settlement in lower valley. For supplying agricultural water, irrigation ditches and temporal crop storages have been constructed, connecting Darakbat, Bitalbat and orchard. These cropland developments have caused surface erosion composed of 3 types such as pit, linear and headward erosion, together with rill and gully. Owing to poor management of cropland and irrigation system, topsoil erosion and, collapse and sedimentation of ditch and pool, caused the decrease of agricultural productivity. These analysis using Quick Bird images can suggest original raw data about geographical facts on North Korea agriculture and help to recover their agricultural system and plan future national unified land.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.21
no.3
/
pp.427-449
/
2015
Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.35
no.2
s.121
/
pp.71-80
/
2007
Korea began preserving and managing natural monuments in 1933 under Japanese Colonization, but North Korea and South Korea were forced to establish separate natural monument management policies because of the division after the Korean Independence. The purpose of this study is to compare and analyze the natural monument management policies of both south and North Korea between 1933 and 2005 to introduce new policies for Korea unification. The following are the results: First, South Korea manages every type of cultural asset, including natural monuments, through the 'Cultural Heritage Protection Act,' whereas North Korea managing its cultural assets through the 'Cultural Relics Protection Act' and the 'Landmark/Natural Monument Protection Act.' Second, South Korea preserves and utilizes natural monuments for the purpose of promoting the cultural experience of Korean people and contributing to the development of world culture, whereas North Korea uses its natural monuments to promote the superiority of socialism and protect its ruling power. Third, North and South Korea have similar classification systems for animals, plants, and geology, but North Korea classifies geography as one of its natural monuments. Unlike South Korea, North Korea also designates imported animals and plants not only for the preservation and research of genetic resources, but also for their value as economic resources. Fourth, North Korea authorizes the Cabinet to designate and cancel natural monuments, whereas South Korea designates and cancels natural monuments by the Cultural Heritage Administration through the deliberation of a Cultural Heritage Committee. Both Koreas' central administrations establish policies and their local governments carry them out, while their management systems are quite different. In conclusion, it is important to establish specified laws for the conservation of natural heritages and clarified standards of designation in order to improve the preservation and management system and to sustain the diversity of natural preservation. Moreover it is also necessary to discover resources in various fields, designate protection zones, and preserve imported trees. By doing so, we shall improve South Korea's natural monument management policies and ultimately enhance national homogeneity in preparation for the reunification of the Koreas in the future.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.19
no.2
/
pp.282-300
/
2013
This study regards that a cause of intensifying sovereignty disputes between Korea and Japan over the Dokdo island has resulted from the fallacy of Dokdo's development policy directly related to exertion and consolidation of Korean government's sovereignty on Dokdo, which has been under Korea's effective control since 1953. From this internal view, this study critically reviews the Korean government's development policy for Dokdo from the 1950s to the end of July 2012 and suggests an ideal alternative for future development of Dokdo on the basis of the discussion of the problems of Dokdo's development policy and its different future development directions proposed in Korean society. The Korean government implemented quite passively the development policy for the inhabited island which is required for the consolidation of sovereignty over Dokdo not to hinder the friendly diplomatic relationship between Korea and Japan. Dokdo is currently not acknowledged as the Korea's Dokdo island in international society, but mostly called Liancourt Rocks. It may be due to the fact that Korea did not positively develop Dokdo as a valuable island which a number of Koreans can inhabit. Consequently this paper proposes 'Dokdo eco-village' as an alternative development plan from the perspective of sustainable development which the UN has adopted. It is a small scale village that contains economic function of eco-friendly fishing, eco-tourism and East Sea research. The hope is that Dokdo eco-village draft plan will be a clue to the discussion and establishment of new Dokdo's development policy to strengthen the Korea's sovereignty and effective control over Dokdo in the future.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.2
no.2
/
pp.113-131
/
1996
The purpose of this study is to identify the existence, personal characteristics and behavior of market-participants, and function of urban weekly markets in Taegu City through observation, interview and questionnaire survey. There are four weekly periodic markets such as Seongso(Monday), Chilgok(Wednesday), Siji(Thursday), and Chilgok(Friday) which have recently developed near the new apartment areas on the outskirts of Taegu. The major findings of this study can be summarized as follows: These markets originated from the agricultural cooperative's Friday markets, but were substantially established by mobile traders or merchants for the sake of their livelihood. Therefore, the existence of these markets is not explained by Stine's central place perspective but partially explained by Hay's economic locational and Bromley's socio-cultural perspective. Most traders are male, aged 30 to 40 years and have an educational level higher than high school. Most of them are living in Taegu and itinerantly visit more than two markets among the four markets by small truck. And most of them sell agricultural products and other food materials, except some who sell manufactured goods. Most consumers are housewives, aged 20 to 30 years and have an educational level higher than high school. Most of them are living within 1,000m and go there on foot. Most of them visit the markets around 3 to 5 p.m. on every market day. And they mostly buy vegetables, fruits, and fishes. Weekly markets provide employment opportunities for those who want to be merchants, and also contribute to the increase of farmers' income, because some traders(18.8%) are farmers who periodically visit markets to sell agricultural products. On the other hand, they function as a general food materials markets to neighboring residents. From these facts, both traders and consumers want weekly markets sustained. Therefore, these markets need to be protected by institutional assistance in spite of being informal markets.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.15
no.5
/
pp.635-654
/
2009
Recently, concepts of multicultural society and/or multiculturalism have been not only widely discussed across several disciplines, but also actively promoted in government's policy, as the in-flow of foreign immigrants has increased rapidly. This paper suggests the term 'multicultural space' instead of multicultural society in a sense that both international migration of immigrants and their accommodation to a certain locality presuppose a spatial dimension. This paper also points out that the term multiculturalsim should be used very carefully, because this term includes a normative character implied in a sense of recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity and difference on the one hand, and an ideological one reflected on strategic policies of capital and the state on the other. On the basis of recognition of these problems, this paper tries to reformulate spatially the concept of muticultural society which has been supposed to be constructed due to rapidly increasing foreign immigrants, emphasizing some usefulness of multi-scalar approach. It then analyzes economic and political contexts of transnational migration, providing a criticism of multiculturalism as an ideological logic of capital and the state in transnational captialism. Finally it put a stress upon importance of struggle for spaces of recognition as a new glocal ethics in the age of post-globalization.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
/
v.15
no.1
/
pp.115-137
/
2009
Recently, industrial locations have faced changing trends under the influence of emerging industries as well as advanced new technologies. So the purpose of this study is to analyze the spatial distribution and locational factors of biotechnology industry formed around the Seoul Metropolitan area and Daejeon city, both of which are centers of Korean biotechnology industry, and is also to identifytheir locational characteristics. Major results of this study can be outlined as follows: First, from the mid 1990' s to 2000, Korean biotechnology industry has rapidly developed owing to central and local governmental support policies and systems as well as changes in domestic economic environment due to Korean financial crisis. Secondly, it was found that spatial distribution of Korean biotechnology industry converged on the Seoul Metropolitan area till 1990, but shifted from there to Daejeon and Chungcheong area from 1990 to 2000. Particularly after 2000, positive local governmental efforts to attract biotechnology players have driven the spatial distribution of biotechnology industry to shift from Seoul Metropolitan area and Daejeon or adjacent area gradually to other profitable locations. In terms of locational factors, it was found that the locations of Korean biotechnology industry converged primarily on university or college campus and biotechnology venture center, particularly on locations adjacent to superhighway or expressway. Locational factors varied depending on region, industrial type and business growth phase. Therefore, it is advisable that our central and local government should make and implement practical and useful policies in favor of biotechnology business depending on region, industrial type, business growth phase, rather than depending on uniform locational policies.
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