• Korea Trade Review
• /
• v.44 no.1
• /
• pp.285-299
• /
• 2019

The 'One Belt One Road (OBOR)' initiative, which was promulgated as part of the enlargement policy along with the advent of Xi Jinping in 2013, is a policy to expand China's political and economic power externally through linkages with neighboring countries. China's overseas port investment plays an important role in the promotion of the 'OBOR' policy from the coast of China through maritime transportation routes from S.E Asia to Mediterranean and Europe. Since China's overseas port investment has been made from several factors such as political, economic, and military motives, it differs in purpose and character from investments made by private companies, such as Global Port Operators(GTO) which consider profitability first. This study aims to address future prospects and implications by analyzing the geopolitics of China's overseas port investment under the 'One Belt One Road' initiative. According to the results, China's overseas port investment is dominated by state-owned enterprises and political and security factors are more important than profitability. China's overseas port investment has been on a large scale in a short period of time, and China has faced with various problems both domestically and internationally. such as debt default, environmental problems, subordination problems from recipient countries and political and military confrontation with great countries such as United States, Japan and India etc.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.4 no.2
• /
• pp.163-202
• /
• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.4
• /
• pp.351-379
• /
• 2006

Former ministers of national defense and foreign affairs, intellectuals such as former and incumbent professors, and various NGO groups are demanding the South Korean government to stop promoting independence in operational control which is currently held by the United States Armed Forces in Korea commander. Although the Korea should exercise operational control independently in the future, orientation on the direction which should be taken under consideration in promoting this transfer should be assumed. First of all, South Korea must sufficiently examine the criticisms and dissenting opinions, and reflect them in promoting independence in operational control. From now on, the South Korean government should reflect the opinions of experts in operational control, and must promote the transfer with national consensus. Unilateral enforcement of the transfer may cause serious errors and aggravate conflicts Second, ROKA's exercise of independence in operational control should take place only after gaining restraint on North Korea's attack against the South, and the issues on nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction(WMD) has been resolved, and a peace regime has been reached. Furthermore, exercise of independence in wartime operational control should be promoted only if there is a guarantee that international trust and the military collaboration will be restored to a level beyond the present state. Third, the USFK and the Korean-US alliance is providing South Korea with national security, not to mention tremendous diplomatical, and economical benefits However, if the alliance between the two countries become weakened due to the exercise of the independence in operational control, we might suffer a great deal of loss. Even though reasonable justification and external independence may be gained through promoting independence in operational control, it should be promoted in a longitudinal manner because national security problems and conflicts may be intensified, and there is no actual profit in doing so. Fourth, if the Korean-US alliance becomes weakened and therefore the United States decides to discuss eastern-asia strategies, North Korea deterrence strategies, and Japanese rearmament issues with other neighboring countries, South Korea may become diplomatically isolated and a subordinate to surrounding countries, destroying the independence we have now instead of restoring it Therefore searching for means to reinforce international trust and collaboration between South Korea and the United States, and leaving ROKA’s independence in operational control as a long term objective would be a more realistic method.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.31
• /
• pp.142-163
• /
• 2013

Ieodo is a submerged rock within a Korea's Exclusive Economic Zone(EEZ) in the East China Sea with its most shallow part about 4.6m below the sea level which has no specific rights for the EEZ delimitation. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) stipulates that any coastal state has the rights to claim an EEZ that stretches up to 200 nautical miles from its shore, except where there is an overlap with a neighboring country's claims. Korea claims that Ieodo is within its EEZ as it sits on the Korean side of the equidistant line and the reef is located on the Korea section of the continental shelf. China does not recognize Korea's application of the equidistance principle and insists that Ieodo lies on its continental shelf. According to UNCLOS, Ieodo is located in international waters, rather than one country's EEZ as the two countries have failed to reach a final agreement over the delimitation of the maritime border. This study seeks to understand the evolution of the People's Liberation Army Navy(PLAN) strategy as main obstacles for the EEZ delimitation between Korea and China. PLAN's Strategy evolves from "coastal defense" to "offshore defence", since the late 1980s from a "coastal defence" strategy to an "offshore defence" strategy which would extend the perimeter of defence to between 200 nm and 400 nm from the coast. China's economic power has increased It's dependence on open trade routes for energy supplies and for its own imports and exports. China want secure Sea Lane. PLAN's "offshore defence" strategy combines the concept of active defence with the deployment of its military forces beyond its borders. China's navy try to forward base its units and to achieve an ocean going capability. China's navy expects to have a 'Blue Water' capability by 2050. China insists that coastal states do have a right under UNCLOS to regulate the activities of foreign military forces in their EEZs. China protests several times against US military forces operating within It's EEZ. The U.S. position is that EEZs should be consistent with customary international law of the sea, as reflected in UNCLOS. U.S. has a national interest in the preservation of freedom of navigation as recognized in customary international law of the sea and reflected in UNCLOS. U.S. insists that coastal states under UNCLOS do not have the right to regulate foreign military activities in their EEZs. To be consistent with its demand that the U.S. cease performing military operations in china's EEZ, China would not be able to undertake any military operations in the waters of South Korea's EEZ. As such, to preserve its own security interests, China prefers a status quo policy and used strategic ambiguity on the Ieodo issue. PLAN's strategy of coastal defence has been transformed into offensive defence, Korea's EEZ can be a serious limitation to PLAN's operational plan of activities. Considering China'a view of EEZs, China do not want make EEZ delimitation agreement between Korea and China. China argues that the overlapping areas between EEZs should be handled through negotiations and neither side can take unilateral actions before an agreement is reached. China would prefer Ieodo sea zone as a international waters, rather than one country's EEZ.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.67-96
• /
• 2014

Today each country in the world goes beyond the narrow concept of national security that was limited to national defense and ideology and are entering multi-dimensional global system mainly based on economic profits. Nevertheless, conflicts between nations due to religious and ideological reasons have brought unprecedentedly intense disputes Security services for head of states have been an important national mission in every era and society. However, they are becoming a main target for assassination and attacks by terrorists. Attacks on the head of state and other VIPs can cause aftermath ranging from war to conflict situation, political crisis, and economic loss. Therefore this study aims to draw insights by comparing protective security units of Korea, the U.S., and Japan which have different legal basis and sociocultural characteristics. Especially in South Korea, which faces difficult diplomatic stance due to the tension with North Korea and relationship with other countries such as the U.S., China, and Russia as well as polarization between classes, generations, regions, and ideologies, cohesion among members of society has weakened and hatred toward the head of state has been brought, which emphasizes the important of national security services. Therefore the study of protective security units and its operation by comparison between neighboring countries will be able to bring insights on the promotion of the security service.

• Journal of Satellite, Information and Communications
• /
• v.12 no.4
• /
• pp.78-86
• /
• 2017

Japan has a lot of interest about weapons systems development of surrounding national and has invested heavily in securing intelligence assets to get information about them, because of conflict issues between Japan and Russia with four northern islands, China with Senkaku Islands and entry policy into the Pacific. Japan has used a large budget to detect and intercept ballistic missile for reasons of the launch of the Taepodong missile in 1998. After took over SIGINT equipments which U.S. force had operated in 1950s~1960s, Japan made a technological analysis and advanced IT technology to produce superior equipments. Japan's SDF has installed them in 19 locations across Japan. In addition, Japan's JASDF has installed advanced early warning RADAR to detect aircraft and high speed ballistic missile entering JADIZ with S-band in 28 locations across Japan. It is possible to detect missile launch preparations, engine tests, and launch moments at any time for operation of 6 satellites high resolution reconnaissance system and 6 aegis ships. In close cooperation with the US, Japan is accessible to the SBIRS networks which detects the launch of a ballistic missile in neighboring countries. In the future, Because the United States wants Japan to act as part of the United States in East, south Asia, it is believed that the exchange of intelligence on the surrounding countries between two countries will be enhanced.

• Proceedings of the Korean Vacuum Society Conference
• /
• 2011.02a
• /
• pp.27-27
• /
• 2011

For the design of real applicable molecular devices, current-voltage properties through molecular nanostructures such as metal-molecule-metal junctions (molecular junctions) have been studied extensively. In thiolate monolayers on the gold electrode, the chemical bonding of sulfur to gold and the van der Waals interactions between the alkyl chains of neighboring molecules are important factors in the formation of well-defined monolayers and in the control of the electron transport rate. Charge transport through the molecular junctions depends significantly on the energy levels of molecules relative to the Fermi levels of the contacts and the electronic structure of the molecule. It is important to understand the interfacial electron transport in accordance with the increased film thickness of alkyl chains that are known as an insulating layer, but are required for molecular device fabrication. Thiol-tethered RuII terpyridine complexes were synthesized for a voltage-driven molecular switch and used to understand the switch-on mechanism of the molecular switches of single metal complexes in the solid-state molecular junction in a vacuum. Electrochemical voltammetry and current-voltage (I-V) characteristics are measured to elucidate electron transport processes in the bistable conducting states of single molecular junctions of a molecular switch, Ru(II) terpyridine complexes. (1) On the basis of the Ru-centered electrochemical reaction data, the electron transport rate increases in the mixed self-assembled monolayer (SAM) of Ru(II) terpyridine complexes, indicating strong electronic coupling between the redox center and the substrate, along the molecules. (2) In a low-conducting state before switch-on, I-V characteristics are fitted to a direct tunneling model, and the estimated tunneling decay constant across the Ru(II) terpyridine complex is found to be smaller than that of alkanethiol. (3) The threshold voltages for the switch-on from low- to high-conducting states are identical, corresponding to the electron affinity of the molecules. (4) A high-conducting state after switch-on remains in the reverse voltage sweep, and a linear relationship of the current to the voltage is obtained. These results reveal electron transport paths via the redox centers of the Ru(II) terpyridine complexes, a molecular switch.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
• /
• v.28 no.3
• /
• pp.141-162
• /
• 2011

This research was conducted to analyze the actual condition of data related to Korea shown in the catalog of 15 countries. This study was to compare the subject characteristics of Korea-related subject heading, record collection, and the characteristics of several subject heading, which has been a major issue. The results are as follows. To begin with, Korea-related record in most other national libraries runs absolutely short except for some countries like United States. Korea-related record is generally 2 to 3 times less than Japan related record. Second, referring to the subject distribution in sub criteria of Korea-related record, subject related to 'history' and 'economy' is shown in the highest rate. Considering that 'Korean war' shows the highest rate in Italy and Canada, we can consider that this may cause the distortion of the perception of Korea. Third, in the case of Korea-related record, the record of South Korea is 1.5 to 5 times more than that of North Korea, except for some countries like United States. Forth, regarding the subject headings, the terms such as 'Taekwondo', 'Kimchi', 'Tok-do', 'Tong-hae' have different meanings in different countries. However, these terms agree to LCSH in most countries except for neighboring countries. Fifth, in case of China and Japan, the subject headings in reference to political and historical position are raising some problems.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.8
• /
• pp.239-270
• /
• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• Maritime Security
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.93-117
• /
• 2020

Four cargo ships were ambushed by bombs in 2019 while navigating in the Strait of Hormuz. It was not clear who attacked those ships, however, many nations including the United States argued that it was Iran due to several reasons. The United States established the maritime collective defense system named International Maritime Security Construct (IMSC) in order to protect the maritime security in the Strait of Hormuz, without disclosure against whom it is aimed. Persian, who uses the Persian language unlike other countries in the Middle East, is the major ethnic group in Iran, and most of them believe Shi'ah Islam while most of the Arabs in the Gulf countries adhere to Sunni Islam. It seems that historic and religious motives caused the bipolar system in the Middle East, however, it is plausible to analyze the system of international affairs in the Middle East via defensive or structural realism. Iran has attempted to maintain its hegemony in the region by supporting Shi'ah muslims in the neighboring countries as well as in the world by using military and economic means. In this context, Iran's maritime strategy is to maintain its maritime hegemony on the Persian Gulf via countering threats and cooperating with friendly navies by using the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy(IRIN) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy(IRGCN). IRIN acts like other navies in the world: protecting national interest at sea, expending its operational areas to the outer seas, and enhancing cooperation with other navies. Meanwhile, IRGCN plays a role as an asymmetric force at sea. It is composed of small and fast asymmetric assets, which can ambush ships fast and furious. Considering the poor study for Iran's maritime strategy in Korea, analyzing the strategy is meaningful for the Republic of Korea Navy, which has operated the Cheonghae Unit for more than ten years since it has extended its operational area over the Strait of Hormuz. In order not to be drawn into the conflict in the Strait, research on the maritime strategy of Iran and other countries in the Middle East should be started.