• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.120-141
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• 2013

Korea, China, and Japan forms triangle structure which mixed complicatedly on the history and maritime territorial disputes. Nationalism lies on the basis of triangle structure, and it is a main factor which increase tension and conflicts among three countries. Considering dynamics of changing nationalism circumstance, Ieodo issue needs to prepare active countermeasures which considers cope with nationalism confrontations. The aim of this article is suggests preparations of active countermeasures cope with nationalism provocative actions. First, I will specify nationalism as a factor of territorial dispute, and review characters of Ieodo issue. Second, I will analyse China's nationalism to Ieodo through analysis of China's media contents and coverage trend of Ieodo issue (2006~2008). I will suggest necessity of active defense measures coup with China's nationalism, basis of these analysis. As a result, China's nationalism might be a criterion which measures of China's desire for Ieodo. Stimulating Ieodo coverage of China's state media can be a criterion which predicts China governments's for Jurisdiction of Ieodo. We need active measures coup with China's nationalism Which evolves into a much more bold and assertive.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제4호
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• pp.145-180
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• 2006

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.57-83
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• 2018

Historians describe the early years of the 20th century as a period of "nationalism." During this period, Turkish nationalism transformed into a thought movement which emerged to defend Turkish national sovereignty during the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Approaches towards nationalism in Turkey are based on the idea of national sovereignty and the ideas of national independence that developed subsequently. Nationalism in Turkey first transformed from Pan-Islamism into multinational Ottomanism, and finally developed into Turkish nationalism and patriotism. This process emerged as a movement of self-discovery in the multicultural structure of the Ottoman Empire and transformed into Turkism. The Balkan Wars (1912-1913) destroyed the foundation upon which Ottomanism was based, and led to the rise of Turkish nationalism, in other words, Turkism. The idea of nation in modern terms in the recent history of thought and nationalism subsequently developed based on this idea and emerged with the Turkism movement. Thus, Turkism became the movement of Turks in the empire, combined with political Turkism which was supported by the intellectuals who came to the Ottoman Empire from Russia. In this article, the formation of Turkist movements and the leading intellectuals of Turkish nationalism, who emerged at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of 20th century in the Ottoman Empire, are investigated in order to examine the historical progress of nationalist approaches in a period in which a new national state was established and improved.

• 영미문화
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.267-289
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• 2010

Nationalism endorses a collective movement to establish an authentic position in the international cultural and political arena. Arguably the dialectic of nationalism and geopolitics bears a reassuring similarity to the philosophical lineage going back, at least, to Hegelian dialectic of universality and particularity. This dialectic platform has been concerned with sustaining, among other things, the dynamics between the universal and the particular. In practical terms, nationalism prompts increased sensitivity to socio-political pressures coming from abroad to cancel the national particularity into geopolitical, so-called universal, anonymity. Drawing suggestively from psychoanalysis, Lacanian ethics in particular, this discussion articulates the ethics of nationalism. Recounting Kantian self-determination as a reference point for responsible morality, Lacan suggests the problematics of desire as an alternative index for ethics. As individual desire flows from the unfathomable abyss of misrecognition, Lacanian ethics dissuade individuals to unlearn the fantasy that their own real desire, a residue produced by the Symbolic process, can be satisfied with that very socio-cultural Symbolic. Subjecting nationalism to Lacanian implications, Zizek illuminates nationalism as a small screening object which obscures as much as displays the circuits to the individual desire. Psychoanalytic ethics addresses that the ethical base should be found upon the particular, individual, real desire. As far as the nationalist cause also puts emphasis upon particularity rather than universality, nationalism is logically positioned to exert reflective efforts on empowering its constitutive individuals. Lacanian ethics persuades us to challenge the universal claim and to work through to regenerate nationalism in presenting its final contribution towards individual particularities.

• Proceedings of the National Institute of Ecology of the Republic of Korea
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• 제3권3호
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• pp.187-189
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• 2022

Nationalism can solidify national unity and ideology but sometimes causes conflicts in human societies. Interestingly, it affects tiger conservation as well. Collaborative efforts are imperative for tiger conservation due to their vast home ranges which cross political boundaries and the limited financial resources. However, tiger states have not shown substantial commitment to collaboration. The nationalism that is entrenched in tiger conservation provides a credible explanation for this passive collaboration among nations. One type of nationalism occurs within a country by favoring one particular subspecies over another. The other type of nationalism occurs when former range countries want tigers. Instead of contributing to saving tigers in current habitats, they are eager to bring tigers back to their political boundaries regardless of the tremendous financial resources required and the lower chance of success. Considering nationalism in tiger conservation, tigers, just like humans, may need a passport for a better chance to survive.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제8권6호
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• pp.949-963
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• 2000

Jambangee's advertisements in spring 1998 attracted public attention by the differentiating message of 'nationalism'. The purpose of this paper is to interpret Korean youth's culture of consumption, value, thought and culture expressed in these advertisements. The semiotic analytic method of F. Saussure and R. Barthe were used. Metaphor and metonymy as interpretive tools were used. Two levels of meaning, denotation and connotation were examined, and idelogies and mythologies were sought. Contrary to the most of jean advertisements which show youth, characteristic style, western life style and westernized beauty, refinement, materialism, and social differentiation, Jambangee's advertisement showed nationalism and patriotism. These advertisements criticized that preference of imported goods and ostentation of purchasing power brought crisis of economy and I.M.F. system. Jambangee's jeans symbolized as the meaning of nationalism and patriotism were suggested as a way to save our country. Jambangee's advertisements are meaningful. Because we had accepted western fashion passively so far, but for the first time Jambangee applied Korean design elements to jeans and gave new meanings to them through the 'nationalism'campaign.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제31권7호
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• pp.1085-1096
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• 2007

Globalization of market has put considerable research activities in cosmopolitism and nationalism. In addition, consumer's perception of product's country of origin is widely regarded as an important influence on their shopping behavior. The objective of this paper is to investigate the joint effect of cosmopolitanism and nationalism on shopping orientation and awareness of the country of origin of fashion products among Korean young consumers. Data from 471 young Korean consumers were analyzed. According to the cosmopolitanism/nationalism measure, respondents were segmented into three groups: global, local and glocal group. Results indicated that global and glocal consumers value symbolic and non-conforming aspects of fashion product shopping and were more interested in country of origin of products than local consumers. Global consumers showed higher level of foreign product preference than local and glocal consumers. Some managerial implication for marketing practitioners was suggested.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제16권8호
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• pp.341-349
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• 2018

본 연구는 한국인의 스포츠 감정에 내재된 민족주의적 속성을 규명하고 이를 토대로 그 세계화 성향에 대해 논의하고자 하였다. SNS 상의 감정 표현 텍스트를 기반으로 한국인의 스포츠 감정과 그에 내재된 민족주의 속성을 규명하고자 2016 브라질 올림픽 관련 기사를 선별하여 해당 기사의 댓글을 내용분석 한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 민족주의적 속성 단어는 해당 경기 상황을 함축적으로 나타내는 단어였다. 둘째, 한국인의 스포츠 감정은 역사적 배경을 자극하는 상황과 만날 때, 강력한 저항 민족주의의 속성을 나타내었다. 셋째, 한국인의 스포츠 감정에 내재된 민족주의는 대체로 폐쇄적 민족주의의 속성이 강하게 나타났다. 본 연구는 집단 감정으로서의 스포츠 감정에 대한 실증적이고 계량적인 접근 방법을 통해 한국인의 민족주의적 감정의 실체를 조명하였다는 점에서 그 의의가 크다 할 것이다.

• 한국농촌건축학회논문집
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• 제3권3호
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• pp.11-21
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• 2001

This study is intended to clarify the ideologies and principles applied to the formative expression of church architecture which is contained both the God and human. From the result of study of modern architectural movement, all of architectural ideology have not been developed with the church architecture. Some of architectural concept have been the foundation of modern church architecture. From the point of view of theological aspects of Christianism, in church architecture which is hard to overcome the adherence of historical characteristics, especially nationalism which contain all the concepts and try the localization of church architecture play multi-functional roles to form expressional characteristics of the modern church architecture show harmonize to the modern architecture trend. The study is intended to clarify the nationalism-church architecture and to know the capability of our cases.