• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
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• v.30
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• pp.123-143
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• 2012

in the late 14th century, korean confucian literati, sinjinsadaebe(新進士大夫), tried to reform korean society in the base of neo confucianism. after Joseon Founding, korean confucian literati modified a lot of confucian ceremonies in order to substitute buddhist ceremonies. at first, they titled confucian ceremonies as "gyu sik(regulation manuals)", "Eui mun(ceremonial manuals)", and "Eui je(ceremonial manuals)". but in the end, they titled confucian ceremonies as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". they also titled the reports on national occasions as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". among the confucian reforms, the most important reforms were auspicious ceremony. korean confucian literati tried to make perfect confucian auspicious ceremony. the first national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals in annals of king sejong. and the second national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals. the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals in annals of king sejong was cart decorated by ivory. but the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals was the sedan with cover. the reason of the change of royal cart were king sejo's political showmanship and diplomatic pretext toward ming(明) china. after the publishment of the five national rituals, the royal cart was represented by the sedan with cover.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.45-64
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• 2016

In order to understand Korean American immigrants'adjustment to American society, it is important to understand how their life rituals and ethnic identities maintain or change over time and across immigration generations. To achieve this goal, this study examined how Korean Americans who resided in the New York City metropolitan area and New Jersey State performed life rituals and formed ethnic identities. A total of 18 Korean immigrants participated in one-on-one in-depth interviews and the interview data were analyzed with the themes. The results showed that Korean Americans performed life rituals integrating both Korean and American cultural aspects. Many Korean Americans attempted to perform life rituals based on American cultural holidays and procedures. However, a majority of these Koreans also strived to maintain Korean ethnic identities and also practice traditionally Korean life rituals as a way to preserve this ethnic identity. These findings suggest that across time and generation, Korean Americans prefer to maintain their Korean cultural identity, while not shunning the adoption of typical "American" rituals. The way that Korean Americans practice and develop identities differs very little across immigration generation. These findings provide insight on how the Korean government may support foreigners and immigrant families in South Korea and Korean Americans' acculturation processes in the U.S.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.67-76
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• 2011

This study had two goals: 1) to explore generational differences in traditional family rituals and 2) to investigate the association between family values and family rituals. Using survey data from 500 married men and women in their 20s to 60s, we classified three generations: 1) 1941-1950 birth cohort (aged 59-68), 2) 1951-1970 birth cohort (aged 39-58), and 3) 1971 and later cohort (aged 38 or less). These generations represented post-colonialism, modernization, and the information era in Korea, respectively. The results demonstrated that birth-related traditional family rituals had been maintained across the generations. Ancestor worship was less likely to be observed by later generations. Further, the way in which family values was associated with family rituals differed across the generations, indicating that traditional family values had different influences on everyday family life culture across generations.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.3
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• pp.37-49
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• 2003

In the oral literature of the Mongolians such as folk-tales, legend, epics, poetry, songs, riddles etc., there are endless examples describing various stories about the origin of the costumes, ornaments and accessories, or the way how they were designed and changed with the times and how they correspond with relevant customs, public rituals and etiquette in general. In this paper we argue that every piece of the Mongolian national costumes and wear in general has specific meaning and symbolism, which is still the miraculous universe waiting to be unveiled properly. As for the Mongolians, the costumes and accessories mean the treasury of intellectual culture of their own as well as their daily necessities of life. There are still many undiscovered features of ancient national culture, apart from characteristics of various tribes and clans of the Mongolians.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.699-710
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• 1996

The sacrificial foods using at 88 villages in Andong area where the village sacrificial rituals are performed, were investigated in 1994. The finding are as follows; 1. Since the village sacrificial rituals keep ancientry, white Baeksulki without any ingredients is used as Ddock (a steamed rice cake) in 74 villages, and in 5 villages the Baeksulki was served just in Siru (a tool used to prepare Ddock). The type of meat serving in rituals has been changing from large animal to small animal and the type of light from bowl-light to candle. 2. Though the ritual observes Confucianism style, memorial address was offered in 34 villages and only in 8 villages, liquor was served 3 times and the address was offered. In 60 villages, liquor was served only once, and calling village god, bowing twice, and burning memorial address paper were performed in order. Burning paper has been meaningful in rituals. 3. Tang (a stew) was served in 21 villages, and in 18 villages even Gook (a soup) was not used. The numbers of village which do not use cooked rice and Ddock are 14, respectively. 4. Fruits are essential in rituals foods. In 63 villages, 3 kinds of fruits are served and this is contrasted with even number of fruits in Bul-Chun-Wi Rituals. 5. In 25 villages, fish and meat are not served. As meat, chicken in 19 village are served. Meat Sikhae (a fermented rice beverage) prepared with meats or fish are served in 5 villages. Slice of dried meat is served in 73 villages commonly. 6. In gender of god for village shrine, woman in 43 villages, couple in 17 villages, man in 9 villages, mountain god in 2 villages, villages tree, etc were enshrined. In 52 villages liquor is served in rituals (liquor is used in 58 villages including serving god), in 28 villages sweet liquor (Gamju) is served for god (sweet liquor is used in 46 villages), and liquor, water, or sweet liquor is just displayed on table but not served in 8 villages. Incensing is found to be not common in village ritual, only in two villages it is performed. The most appropriate rituals food is thought to be pig for mountain god. Home dishes can not be used in village ritual and spoon is not used and chopstick is prepared from wild plant. Meat and fish are used in the raw.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.812-824
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• 2016

Morning grooming is a ritual daily held for transition from private to public life of an individual. Based on the previous literature's definition of the ritual characteristics, this study aims to identify the meaning of grooming rituals that are repeatedly performed every morning. Although many studies have conducted ritualistic analysis of the behaviors that are closely related to daily life, few studies analyze grooming from a ritualistic perspective. Establishing the ritual - that is, a person's distinct behavioral pattern-as the core concept, this study reveals the relationship between ritual performers and the ritual's composition to identify the meaning of the grooming ritual. The study conducts qualitative research with ten participants to identify the ritual characteristics of every-morning grooming and the factors that influence this ritual. Considering everyday grooming as a behavioral pattern that possesses mostly ritualistic elements, the study examines both the external characteristics that are shown through the methods of grooming and the internal characteristics that reflect the inherent symbolic meaning. This study contributes to extending the scope of the field. By understanding the factors that influence grooming rituals, companies can communicate their marketing messages regarding the step-by-step approach to grooming, thereby supporting consumers to effectively use various grooming products.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.27 no.6
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• pp.111-124
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is first to examine the tendency in what kinds of activities are carried out as family rituals; what kinds of obstacles there are; and why any problems, if any, tend to arise. Second, the study seeks to discern the relationship between family rituals and wives' marital satisfaction. For this purpose, the study surveyed 251 wives who had fourth, fifth, or sixth grade children and resided in Busan, and then analyzed the data obtained from the survey. The major findings of this study can be summarized as follows: (1) Regarding the dinner ritual, it turned out that a majority of subjects had a difficult time establishing a regular ritual due to 'their busy schedule at work' and 'children's studying at academies'. For the weekend leisure ritual, in the case of difficulty in spending this kind of time it tended to be because of the wives' 'busy schedules at work' and 'lack of mutually available time for all family members'. In birthday rituals, when wives reported having trouble with her family members regarding birthdays, they explained that this was most often' because family members forget their birthday'. Finally, when the subjects reported problems related to tradition rituals, it was mainly because of 'stress from the burden of housework (2) In every dimensions including occurrence, routine, deliberateness, attendance, affect, and symbolic significance, the top-ranked group showed a high degree of satisfaction in their marriage.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.241-260
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• 1998

1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.356-375
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• 2021

The Generation Z (Gen-Z) consumer has a unique beauty-consuming behavior that is distinct from the previous generations. This study aims to identify the meaning of makeup rituals based on the theoretical framework of the ritual concept. In-depth interviews were conducted with fifteen females in their mid-teens to early 20s. The results showed that Gen-Z has different types of makeup ritual scripts for both ordinary days and special days, which are constantly being re-written and revised based on the experience accumulated. In addition, there are various types of ritual artifacts that play an important role in Gen-Z's makeup ritual, and that they provide psychological comfort and satisfaction. The importance of DIY (Do It Yourself), collecting, and independent brands is emphasized. The role of Gen-Z in the makeup ritual was expanding from a creator for her own ritual to a collaborator for peers' rituals, and sometimes the expansion goes beyond the direct relationships to virtual ones through SNS (Social Network Service). The Gen-Z cohort is found to be a member of beauty knowledge network through which they learn, share, and create the know-how and shopping skills.