• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제16권6호
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• pp.405-415
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• 2016

대한민국헌법 제82조에 따라 대통령이 문서로 하는 국법상 행위에 국무총리와 '관계' 국무위원이 부서(副署) 하는 제도는 대통령의 독단 방지와 국무회의 구성원들이 연대 책임을 지는 중요한 의미가 있다. 그러나 '관계' 국무위원의 부서행위가 헌법 규정과 달리 운영되고 있다. 이는 국무위원으로 보하지 않는 처와 행정위원회 등 일부 중앙행정기관의 사무에 대하여는 법령상 부여된 업무와 무관한 행정자치부장관이 "정부조직법" 제34조 제2항을 근거로 형식적으로 부서토록 한 법제처 지침을 따르기 때문이다. 따라서 이 논문은 '관계' 국무위원의 부서제도를 헌법 취지에 맞게 내실화하기 위하여, 국무위원이 맡지 않는 중앙행정기관 사무와 관련된 부서(副署)의 경우 행정자치부장관이 획일적으로 대신할 것이 아니라 업무 내용과 가장 밀접한 국무위원이 부서를 하도록 '관계' 국무위원의 결정 기준, 절차, 권한과 책임, 부서의 효력 등을 "법령 등 공포에 관한 법률 시행령"으로 만드는 방안을 제안하였다.

• 농업과학연구
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• 제38권3호
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• pp.421-428
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• 2011

Of the countries where Korea has advanced for overseas afforestation investments, Indonesia might be the most important country. As the end of 2010, nine Korean companies have been implementing afforestation projects in Indonesia, covering a total area of one hundred and fifty thousand hectares roughly. Following the Memorandum Of Understanding (MOU) on afforestation investment covering five hundred thousand hectares (A/R CDM / industrial afforestation) signed between Korea and Indonesia, the two countries concluded in 2009 an additional MOU covering two hundred thousand hectares for biomass afforestation, thus securing a total afforestation area of seven hundred thousand hectares. Further it was guaranteed that afforestation license would have validity for maximum 95 years, which laid the foundation for long-term stable investments for afforestation projects. Forest law of Indonesia consists of Presidential decree and Governmental decree as superior regulations and Minister's decree as subordinate regulations, being made up of total 17 chapters. Forestry Minister's decree was amended at end of last year, as regards license for exploitation of timber and forestry products in afforestation area. In the past, such license to develop and use timber and forestry products had been granted under Forestry Minister's decree No. P 11 / Menhut-II / 2008. After the amendment in 2010, however, the ground was shifted to Forestry Minister's decree No. P 50 / Menhut-II / 2010, trimming the procedure to obtain afforestation license into a little simplified one.

• 대한한의학방제학회지
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.73-86
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• 2019

Objectives : In spite of the difficulty of getting Agarwood, the number of species of wild Agarwood is rapidly decreasing by insistent demands. Here, we investigate how various formula of Agarwood is used so that we can make use of them more helpful in clinics today. Methods : Determining the range of 'the Sovereign and Minister' component more than 12.96%" or 'equally used', this study distinguished whether Agarwood is used as 'the Sovereign and Minister' component among 409 Agarwood formulas in "Sheng ji zong lu(聖濟總錄)" and 103 Agarwood formulas in "Donguibogam (東醫寶鑑)". Additionally, we analyzed the component ratio of Agarwood, and also the usage in Deficiency-Excess pattern. Results : Among Agarwood formulas in "Sheng ji zong lu" and "Donguibogam", each percentage of Agarwood formulas which Agarwood comprises 'the Sovereign and Minister' component was 26%(106/406) and 13%(13/99). Analyzing these formulas of "Sheng ji zong lu", 53 formulas were used in Deficiency pattern and other 53 formulas were used in Excess pattern. Also in "Donguibogam", 6 formulas were used in each Deficiency pattern and Excess pattern, and only 1 formula in both of Deficiency and Excess pattern. Conclusions : Showing almost equal ratio of usage in Deficiency-Excess pattern, this study showed that those Agarwood formulas of "Sheng ji zong lu" and "Donguibogam" which Agarwood comprises 'the Sovereign and Minister' component can be used in both Deficiency-Excess pattern evenly.

• 법제연구
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• 제44호
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• pp.241-281
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• 2013

첫째, 정부조직은 그 출발에서부터 국가형태 정부형태와 연계되어 논의되어야 한다. 현실적으로는 정부조직 법정주의와 비법정주의의 조화가 필요하다. 우리의 정부조직 법정주의에서 정부조직의 유연성을 확보하기 위해서는 새 정부의 출범과 더불어 새 정부가 요구하는 정부조직을 의회는 가급적 수용하는 자세가 필요해 보인다. 이를 통해서 정부조직 법정주의의 경직성을 완화시켜 주어야 한다. 하지만 새 정부의 정부조직이 지나치게 많은 변화를 요구하는 것은 자칫 헌법이 추구하는 정부조직 법정주의의 본질을 훼손시킬 우려가 있다. 그런 점에서 새 정부의 지나치게 자의적인 정부조직 변경은 바람직하지 않다. 그 어떤 경우에도 정부조직은 장기적 안정성을 담보해야 한다. 둘째, 행정각부가 아닌 일반적인 행정기관은 국무총리의 통할을 받지 아니하고 대통령 직속으로 설치해서는 아니 된다. 헌법이 대통령${\rightarrow}$국무총리${\rightarrow}$행정각부의 하이라키를 형성해 두고 있음에도 불구하고 대통령${\rightarrow}$집행기관을 설치하는 것은 원칙적으로 위헌이라고 보아야 한다. 그러므로 대통령실에는 대통령비서실과 특수한 임무를 가진 기구의 설치에 한정되어야 하며, 대통령실에 일반행정기관을 편의적으로 설치하는 것은 현행헌법의 정신에 어긋난다. 셋째, 국무총리실은 명실상부한 내치의 중심축이어야 한다. 그런 점에서 대통령은 국가원수로서 국가의 나아갈 방향을 그리는 큰 정치에 전념해야 한다면, 국무총리실을 중심으로 한 내각은 국가의 일상적인 업무를 총괄해야 한다. 넷째, 집행기관의 두 축은 총리실과 행정각부가 된다. 잦은 행정각부의 명칭 변경에 따른 혼란을 수습하고 아울러 전통적인 행정 각부의 명칭과 권위를 복원시키고, 국가의 정통성을 회복시켜야 한다. 한국적 민주주의의 정착을 위해서는 민주법치국가의 공고화를 위한 제도적 설계가 필요하다. 또한 공안부처와 경제부처도 시대적 현실에 부응한 개혁의 필요성이 높다. 또한 시대변화에 순응하는 기술과 정책의 융합을 합리적으로 해결해 나가야 한다.

• 한국의사학회지
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• 제33권1호
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• pp.21-30
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• 2020

'Medical officials of State Council' (議政府藥房) (MOSC) were bureaucrats who was part of a State Council and provided regular medical care to the State Council's bureaucracy. The Manual for Medical Officials of State Council (議政府藥房式例) (MMOSC) is a rare resource that records the actual work of the MOSC in the 19th century. This paper examines the changing history of the title of 'medical official' (藥房, yakbang) in the Joseon Dynasty and analyzes the role of MOSC by examining the contents of MMOSC. It argues: 1) The MOSC system was established before other similar medical office systems. Subsequently, the Medical Office of Ritual Minister (禮曹藥房) and Medical Office of Patriots and Veterans Minister (忠勳府藥房) were established, followed by Medical Office of General Office (都總府藥房) and Medical Office of Managing Royal Family (宗親府藥房). 2) The MMOSC was first written in 1812 and was augmented in 1832 and 1840. This timeline can be verified through written seal at the end of the literature. 3) In addition to the medicine-related work, the medical office also did the administrative work of the government office.

• 한국농촌건축학회논문집
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.9-15
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• 2014

Pungsu acts as a strong guideline for selecting a location of the village having a certain geographical condition. The attitude of choosing an auspicious site regarding the shape of mountains and water stream, is widely accepted by the intelligent class of Josen period. Therefore, the theory is one of the main factor influenced on the traditional village and house in Korea. Regarding the fact that a real effect of pungsu on the formation of traditional village and house, Study with a view of Pungsu theory could be a good method for deeply understanding the traditional architecture in Korea. In this context, the study analyzes the site and space lay out of an upper class house of vice minister Lee(Lee, Jung Ryul, 1868~1950) in Oeam historic village with Pungsu theory. The house is composed of Anchae(house for the women) and Sanrangchae(house for the men and receiving guests) and Hangrangchae(servants' quarters). Through the study, It finds out that the house is carefully selected and planned considering surrounding physical environment so called Jusan(back hill), Ansan(front hill), Choengyong(blue dragon) and Beckho(white tiger) of Pungsu theory.

• 한국조리학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국조리학회 2004년도 IFMCS 2004 제1회 외식ㆍ조리ㆍ호텔 식음료 국제 학술대회
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• pp.71-86
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• 2004

• 과학과기술
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• 제22권4호통권239호
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• pp.51-57
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• 1989

• 집단에너지
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• 통권5호
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• pp.16-17
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• 2007

• 수완나부미
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.1-28
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• 2013

This paper is attempted to clarify the controversial event King Thibaw ascending the throne. Moreover it was presented with the purpose of how important "Trust Building" is in politic. After ascending the throne, King Thibaw faced external threat as well as internal weakness. The Hluttaw ministers and counselors did not support effectively and King Thibaw lost trust his ministers and counselors. Therefore mass killing of royal prince took place after the ascending the throne and it made discredit to King Thibaw. Senior minister like Kinwun Mingyi and Hsinphyumashin secretly contact with Prince Nyaung Yan whom was staying under the protection of British. On the other hand Prince Myingun took refuge under protection of the French and was trying to seize the power with the supporters from lower Myanmar as well as taking the financial help from Hsinphyu Mashin. They were external strength for the British and French. In this way King Thibaw's administration became deteriorated and finally the British anxious about Franco-Myanmar treaty so they exaggerated the Bombay-Burma Teak company's problem. In this way King Thibaw was taken away by the British due to the internal weakness and external strength.