• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.30 no.5
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• pp.552-561
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• 2015

This study compared recipes of Korean Traditional steamed dishes, Noodles, Rice cake & Confectionary in Choi's Recipe ("Choi's Eumsikbeop") with those in other literatures written during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Through this work, it aimed to explore the value of Choi's Recipe ("Choi's Eumsikbeop") in the history of cooking and the meanings of its recipes. Choi's Recipe ("Choi's Eumsikbeop") contains recipes for a total of 20 kinds of food. Specifically, there are seven kinds of Fermented dishes (kimchi (6), and salted fermented food (1)), four kinds of Steamed dishes, seven kinds of Confectionary and Sweet (rice cake (4), jeonggwa (1), and dang (2)), and two kinds of Noodles (dumpling (1), and noodle (1)). Among them, the steamed dishes revealed characteristics of 17th-century food as in other cooking books, and some of them utilized unique ingredients handed down only through head families. Moreover, some recipes showed different cooking methods using similar materials. This suggests the originality of the recipes in this cooking book.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.17-24
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• 2019

Korean-Chinese is one of the 56 minority groups in the People's Republic of China. Korean-Chinese is the same origin as the Korean Peninsula. In the mid of 19th century, they, who lived in a part of Joseon, suffered with nature disasters and poverty, therefore they offended against the law, immigrated, and started farming in Ching Dynasty, which is northeast China in the present. Later, Korean's individual and mass migrations were happened around coastland of Tumen River and Yalu River with the connivance of the law. This thesis is a consideration of how the Korean-Chinese has adapted before and after the liberation from Japanese colonial era to the Chinese socialism and What their Residential Plan Composition and Plan Types in the village. Based on the field research and literature research, introduces the village history, Plan Composition and sample Plan types. Then, Based on this research, it will be the foundation of the future study of the Korean-Chinese's villages and planning study to conserve the villages.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.65 no.3
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• pp.76-90
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• 2015

This is a basic study of the two remaining armors (artifacts number K2366, K2368) from the late Joseon dynasty that is part of the Korean costume collection, which is preserved in the Mission Museum of Saint Ottilien in Germany. The armor No. 1 (artifacts number K2366) is a coat-styled armor with brass studs. It has a U-shaped neckline with the non-overlapping collars and sleeve straight-lined inseam. The armor No. 1 has the Mu to the sides and is not back slit. Both its inner and outer material are padded with cotton. Leather mails are attached on the inner lining, and studs are attached on the outer lining to match the leather mails. For this reason, the armor No. 1 can be named MyeonPiGab (brass studded armor consisting of a cotton coat with internal leather mails). The outer material is faded to have the natural white, or antique white look and the patterns on it are indigo blue. The inner material is blue, but the original color is unknown since it is faded. The lotus blossoms and vine patterns are dyed on the surface of the outer material and a name is written on the inner material. The armor No. 1 was worn between the late 17th century and the 19th century. It is estimated that it was worn by military officers who were above the mid-rank in the end of the Joseon dynasty. The armor No. 2 (artifacts number K2368) is a coat-styled armor with brass studs and a low-cut U-shaped neckline. The armor No. 2 has a slit on the left armpit and a string around it. Studs are evenly attached on the armor. The iron mails are attached to the left chest area on its inner lining. It seems that it was designed with both formality and functionality in mind. The outer material is red flannel, the inner material is blue satin and the pads are cheesecloth. The side of its collars, cuffs, front lines, sidelines, back slit, and bottom lines are trimmed with fur. There are armors called "JeonCheolGap (brass studded armor consisting of a felt coat with internal iron mails)," which is similar to the armor No. 2, however, the similarities are limited because they are not made of the same material nor do they follow the same principle of nomenclature.

• Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.1-14
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• 2006

Objectives : Investigate the situation of Joseon Dynasty's Acupuncture and Moxibustion. Methods : the Acupuncture and Moxibustion methods in UiRimCh'walYo (${\ulcorner}$醫林撮要$\lrcorner$ 'Essentials of Oriental Medical Doctors') were studied. Results and Conclusions : First of all, the Acupuncture and Moxibustion methods in UiRimCh'walYo are narrated according to specific symptoms like diarrhea and stomachache, and not organized by the origin of illness or some abstract nature of a disease. In addition, it excluded complicated Acupuncture and Moxibustion methods, only adopting a couple of Acupuncture Bleeding methods and Moxibustion methods to simplify the technique as much as possible. Secondly, the Acupuncture and Moxibustion methods in UiRimCh'walYo, along with those in DongUiBoCam and Ch'imGuYoGyol introduce ways to perform moxibustion on the Umbilical Middle and Elixir Field. By focusing on the similarities between the three comtemporary medical works, it is possible to assume the existence of a unique acupuncture method using moxibustion on the Umbilical Middle and Elixir Field. Thirdly, the Acupuncture and Moxibustion methods in UiRimCh'walYo didn't go into detailed differentiation of symptoms and just concisely described one or two treatment methods for each symptom and simplified the prescription down to the core acupuncture points. This shows that the Acupuncture and Moxibustion methods in UiRimCh'walYo didn't seek its own cure but was edited in order to act as an appendix to Herbal Medicine. When integrating the conclusions above, it can be said that UiRimCh'walYo strived to use acupuncture and moxibustion simply and effectively inside the Oriental medicine's large boundaries of Herbal Medicine and Acupuncture and Moxibustion. Harmony with Herbal Medicine, an easy-to-find organization, and simple, easy-to-do prescription are what UiRimCh'walYo was about.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.83-114
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.36 no.5
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• pp.351-367
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• 2020

The pigments of three old and new celestial charts folding screens(『Celestial Chart(Folding Screen)』 and 『Old and New Celestial Charts, Eight-Panel Folding Screen』 of National Folk Museum of Korea and 『Koudou-Nanboku-Ryousouseizu』 of National Diet Library of Japan) were analyzed to estimate their dating. It was estimated that the 『Celestial Charts(Folding Screen)』 was painted using traditional pigments from the Joseon dynasty such as azurite, indigo lake, malachite, atacamite, vermilion, iron oxide, cochineal, gamboge, orpiment, lead white, talc and soot. The green and blue colors of the 『Old and New Celestial Charts, Eight-Panel Folding Screen』 and 『Koudou-Nanboku-Ryousouseizu』 were painted using artificial inorganic pigments such as emerald green and ultramarine blue. These pigments were imported from Europe post the mid-19th century. In the 『Old and New Celestial Chart, Eight-Panel Folding Screen』, only artificial inorganic pigments were used for green and blue colors. However in the 『Koudou-Nanboku-Ryousouseizu』, emerald green and atacamite in green color, and ultramarine blue and indigo lake in blue color were used together. Based on both the results of pigment analysis and the study of star charts and inscriptions, the 『Celestial Charts(Folding Screen)』 was painted post mid-18th century. The 『Koudou-Nanboku-Ryousouseizu』 and 『Old and New Celestial Charts, Eight-Panel Folding Screen』 were painted after green and blue artificial pigments were imported in the mid-19th century. The 『Koudou-Nanboku-Ryousouseizu』 in which both traditional and western artificial pigments were used, can be dated earlier than the 『Old and New Celestial Chart, Eight-Panel Folding Screen』.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.7
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• pp.4992-4998
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to investigate that which Goon office buildings were reused from existing buildings and to identify remodeling and extension ways of the reused to match Goon's administration work. This study used literature research method, i.e., analysing the digital images, the annotation, and the official documents between the Japanese government-general of Korea and To(道), and articles of newspapers and journals. The reused were governmental offices of Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty, existing Goon office buildings of Korean empire government and old buildings with unknown purposes. They were remodelled and extended to match Goon's administration work. Common remodelling was making large space with desks for civil petitions and projecting an small entrance from the center of main building's facade. Common extension was constructing accessory buildings with simple wooden structure, locating them to back or side of the reused, and connecting them through external corridor. As many as 30% of 218 Goon office buildings were reused. About 57% of them were replaced as new office buildings, however the number of the new was rapidly decreased after mid 1930s.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.224-241
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• 2017

This study considered the change process for Western style shoes in Korea during the time of modernization in the 1920s to 1930s. Western style shoes were one of the items imported by foreigners since the Joseon Dynasty and had a significant impact on Korean dress code. It influence started to spread in the 1900s; however, few high level people wore Western shoes until the 1920s. The trend started to spread through newspaper advertisements and news articles after the mid 1920s. Western shoes such as modern girl and modern boy in the 1930s then entered into Korean culture. Korea under Japanese colonial rule was reorganized on a war footing in the latter half of the 1930s and the main materials for western shoes (cow leather, horse leather and sheepskin) were mobilized as materials for war production; subsequently, new materials using rubber were introduced. The representative material is 'Marine Leather (水産皮革)' and Sharkskin 'Gyoheok (鮫革)' and Whaleskin 'Gyeongpi (鯨皮).' Form is like the material has changed over time. This study also observed the flow of westernized Korean modern shoes as well as analyzed the details of materials and shape of western shoes by period. This represent basic materials to understand the legacy of western shoes in the age; in addition, systemic summary is organized by each kind, shape and materials for each style of western shoes.