• Title/Summary/Keyword: marxism

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Aisiqi's Popular Philosophy and the popularization of Marxism in China (애사기(艾思奇)의 『대중철학』과 마르크스주의 철학의 대중화)

  • Cho, Bong-lae
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.39
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    • pp.195-220
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    • 2013
  • The 'Localization' & the 'Popularization' issues always play an important role at the Chinese Marxism. The Chinese Communist Party (C.C.P) is still emphasizing the 'Localization', but the 'Popularization' did not received the Chinese theorists' attention. Therefore a new theory in 'Popularization of Chinese Marxism' is very small. But at the 17th National Convention, C.C.P offered a suggestion that entitled "Lead the popularization of Marxism in China". And diversity theorization involved popularization of Marxism is in motion by Chinese theoretician. Throughout history of Chinese Marxism, the first theoretician who raised an objection of the popularization of Marxism in China is Aisiqi, and his achievements in this field are unequaled. His Popular philosophy is the most typical book on the popularization of Marxism in China. In the 1930s, China faced a serious crisis, Chinese intelligentsia & mass desperately wanted an idea to unify the country. Many intellectuals have latched on to the Marxism, especially Aisiqi was absorbed in the important assignment that how can bring out leadership of Marxism, how can popularize abstract and profound principle of Marx philosophy. Aisiqi's Popular Philosophyis marked by the 'Localization' & the 'Popularization', after this book is published, had a big impact on Chinese Revolution. The purpose of this thesis is a meaning through the Popular Philosophy consideration and evaluation to get to the bottom of that the C.C.P offered a suggestion with 'Popularization of Chinese Marxism'.

Merits and Demerits of Analytical Marxism Searching for Solutions to the Political Economy of Media/Communication Industry (분석적 마르크시즘의 공과(功過) ‘마르크스주의 경제학’과 ‘신고전파 경제학’의 방법론 논쟁을 통한 미디어/커뮤니케이션 정치경제학의 방향 찾기)

  • Lee, Sang-Khee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.45
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    • pp.7-48
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    • 2009
  • The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

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Ernst Bloch and Jürgen Moltmann: The Hope for What? (블로흐와 몰트만: 무엇을 위한 희망인가?)

  • Kim, Jin
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.145
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    • pp.217-244
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    • 2018
  • This paper reviews how $J{\ddot{u}}rgen$ Moltmann embraces and transforms the philosophy of Ernst Bloch. For what are the hopes of the two thinkers who presuppose opposing worldviews? This question will provide a good opportunity to look at how different religious types, based on different worldviews in modern philosophy of religion, can understand and communicate with one another. Ernst Bloch was a philosopher who originally interpreted Judeo-Christian thought through Marxism and Persian Dualism and helped to carry out the intrinsic criticism of the doctrine of Christian eschatology by developing atheism of Christianity into a philosophy of hope. Bloch and Moltmann deal with the concepts of future, humanity, nation, and hope in the eschatological horizon, but their worldviews are so different. For example, the connection between the Beginning and Ending, Disjunction or Continuation, the Core of Existence and Resurrection, Messianism and Marxism, Atheism and Theism, Persian Dualism and Judeo-Christian Monotheism. Therefore, a one-sided interpretation that ignores worldview differences in the hopes of these two thinkers should be avoided. Moltmann actively embraced the Messianism of the Jewish thinker, Bloch, by excluding Marxism, made the spectrum of broad-minded horizons diminished in the union of Messianism and Marxism. Moltmann replaced the utopian possibilities of matter in the Ontology of Not-Yet-Being, with the resurrection of Christ, who was crucified, and with the God of Creation and the God of Exodus. By overthrowing the position of atheism in Christianity, which was very important for Bloch, with the system of Trinitarian Monotheism, it resulted in the disconnection and conflict between the Old Testament and the New Testament, especially the ignorance of the tension between God the Lord and Jesus Christ.

이택후 서체중용론의 정치사상적 함의와 기술철학적 토대

  • Hwang, Jong-Won
    • 중국학논총
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    • no.61
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    • pp.341-363
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    • 2019
  • 作者在本文中主要探讨了李泽厚的"西体中用"论所具有的政治思想含义以及支撑它的"度"本体论的技术哲学意义. "西体中用"论在政治思想上主要反对教条主义的马克思列宁主义和儒学复兴论, 他认为现代化基本上是西化, 在这一点上, 更接近于全盘西化论. 但他又认为马克思主义與儒学在现代化的历程中可以发挥出积极的作用, 这一点则与全盘西化论不同. 论"西体"时, 李澤厚强调合乎大工业生产的生产力與科技. 论"中用"时, 他认为生活方式的现代化可以消除过去社会主义社会和儒家文化的不合理因素, 但還认为我們可以用马克思主义和儒学中的合理思想来克服现代社会的各种弊病. 另外, 2000年以后, 李澤厚還提出了"度"本体論. 論它時, 一方面他强调工商性劳动, 为人服务的技术, 数学, 逻辑, 理性等. 这是"西体"论的基础. 另一方面, 他把传统中庸概念重新解为工业技术使用恰当, 却批評现代大工业技术不是"恰到好處"的技术. 这是"中用论"的哲学基础. 总之, "西体中用"论揭示了中国现代化的正确方向, "度"本体论在技术哲学上也较好地支持了這一社会理论. 可惜的是, 他未能找到现代社会的种种弊病产生的"体"上的原因, 因此也未能探索新的"体".

New horizon of geographical method (인문지리학 방법론의 새로운 지평)

  • ;Choi, Byung-Doo
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.38
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    • pp.15-36
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    • 1988
  • In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

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Framing Space and Identity - Examining Through the Space of Scholarship -

  • Kim, Jung-In
    • Architectural research
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.15-23
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    • 2010
  • This paper will discuss three different ways of framing relationships between identity and built forms mainly through the theoretical frame works of David Harvey, Christine M. Boyer, Jane M. Jacobs, Doreen Massey, Paul Rabinow, and Michel Foucault. From these scholars, this paper will argue the relationships between identity and built forms are categorized as such: "Becoming", "Politics of Difference", and "Construction of Self". Besides these three approaches of framing identity and built forms, relevant ideas will be drawn from the work of other scholars in so far as their theoretical positions relate and support these three key frameworks. To approach the critical points of each debate, these three categories are further analyzed by juxtaposing the epistemological positions between them. Through the comparisons, this paper illustrates the interrelationships and interdependence of these three categories whose discursive power gains rapid popularity in Western scholarships. By incorporating the three ways to view the relationship between built form and the identity of social groups, drawn is a suggestion for a broader imagining of new spatial identity.

Aimé Césaire's postcolonial thought as a 'Non-Western resistance discourse': In terms of speaker, language and counter-discourse ('비서구 저항담론'으로서의 세제르(A. Césaire)의 탈식민주의 비평, 그 가능성과 한계: 화자(話者), 언어(言語), 대항담론(對抗談論)의 측면에서)

  • Choi, Il-Sung
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.51
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    • pp.161-191
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    • 2018
  • In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

The Study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in China : Accepting and Understanding Modern Neo-Confucianism in China (중국의 현대신유학 수용과 이해 - 1980년대 현대신유학 연구를 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Young-Mi
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.23
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    • pp.349-392
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    • 2008
  • Modern Neo-Confucianism was formed as a school by solving the modern problems in China through accepting western philosophies with Chinese basic philosophies since New Cultural Movement. Marxism, Liberalism, and Modern Neo-Confucianism are called three representatives of Chinese modern philosophies. Since the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, Modern Neo-Confucianists have tried to keep their philosophy and cultural conservatism in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Modern Neo-Confucianism which had been prohibited before 1978 was brought again to people's attention in the middle of 1980s by their active lectures and writings. Furthermore, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism was supported by the Chinese government in 1987. China was trying to find the way to enhance Chinese tradition and to develop China to a modern society at the same time through the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism. The purpose of Modern Neo-Confucianism is to keep Chinese tradition which was broken off, to develop China to a modern society, to control the problems caused by capitalism socially, and ultimately to strengthen socialism in China in the political aspect. The study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s focused on introducing, organizing, and understanding Modern Neo-Confucianism as its early stage. This study was led by Marxists with their methods and viewpoints. Even though the acceptance and understanding of Modern Neo-Confucianism was limited in a short period, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s propagated Modern Neo-Confucianism. Modern Neo-Confucianism also played an important role to grow the argument about the critical succession of Chinese tradition and to reconsider the fact that modernization does not mean only westernization.

A Cultural Agony of Contemporary China: between the Egos and Tianxia(天下) Ideology (현대중국의 문화적 고뇌 : 자아와 티엔시아(천하(天下)) 이데올로기의 사이에서)

  • Kim, Keun
    • Lingua Humanitatis
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    • v.7
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    • pp.93-122
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    • 2005
  • China, the nation which reigns the society consisted of several ethnic groups, has been interested in universal virtues since its early eras, due to the social demand for their integration. Confucianism, therefore, traditionally has been executing this function as a transcendant world, and at present the Marxism takes its role instead. After its reformation and opening, the market economy was allowed to set in China, which means that the traditional ideology of integration comes to face the crisis occurred by new trend of the individualism which is gradually spreading. The people who make the policies and the intellectual people in China who noticed these phenomena, are trying to make measures to cope with this contradiction. Despite of their trials, they are destined to find nothing but powerlessness in front of the powerful marketing strategy of the commercialism which adroitly adapted to their measures. In this situation, the transcendant world to reach, which these people are appealing again is the totalitarian ideology that persistently has been maintained through history of China. The movie, Hero, is the one of these attempts. This paper offers you the analysis of this cultural agony of contemporary China.

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Sexual Identity on the Personality of Marxism (마르크스 철학의 인격 개념을 통해 본, 여성과 남성의 성정체성)

  • Kim, Yeoung-Sook
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.14 no.12
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    • pp.674-682
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    • 2014
  • The personality in Marx's philosophy can be defined as an 'activity on the basis of social relations'. This concept suggests two significant implications to the difference of sexual identity between the sexes. First, according to Marx's philosophy the personality is partially influenced by the ideology. Freud's theory of Oedipus is founded on the patriarchal culture including the ideology. Freud's concept of personality ignores that aspect. That's why Freud's theory of Oedipus complex can be criticized. This is because of his ignorance of the affecting power of male chauvinism in patriarchal society. Second, more importantly and definitely, the difference of activity, especially labor, that is, male's social labor and female's private labor, has influenced the difference of the personality of both sexes.