• Journal of the Korean Society of Hazard Mitigation
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.31-39
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• 2007

Disaster mythology is "beliefs about human behavior in disaster that have been proven to be wrong through scientifically conducted research studies." Disaster researchers have discovered a series of disaster myths. The results of research survey based on 491 individuals confirm prior research representing widespread belief in disaster mythology such as panic, looting, crime, evacuation and lethargy. This study also indicates that, while high, the percentage of local government officials demonstrating belief in disaster myths was lower than the public except for looting. The probability of believing disaster myths was greater for individuals who were female (panic and evacuation), old (evacuation and lethargy), in their twenties and thirties (looting), and officials with disaster related work experience (panic, looting and crime). The results indicate the importance of understanding public belief to make effective emergency plans.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.73-83
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• 1993

Recently, large APT complexes are newly constructed in Taegu city and among them, large APT complexes aggegate densly espically in Weolsung and Jisan complexes of Dalsuh-gu and Susung-gu districts. The purpose of this thesis is to perform occupants' apprasials about residential environment on the housewifes residing at new constructed APT who seem tn have different apprasials on the residential environment by the zones. The results of the investigations are as follows. 1. House possessed type and house sire got elevated in comparison with them before shifting residence in respect to residential property and it was revealed they moved to short distance in the change of their lands. And most occupants could choose their houses by looting-out and there's some difference in the choice motive according to the zones. 2. As a result of studying the relation between demographic and residential properties, there were deep differe-nces in the Possessed house type before move, possessed house size after move, preferenti-al degree of house and move plan. 3. In the degree of satisfaction on residential environment, the result was high in the order of heating facilities, water-supply and draining facilities and lighting and was low in the order of room's size, interior decoration and soundproofin. According to zones, there was a great difference in the items of room's size, privacy, heating facilities, securi-ty from calamity, ventilation, convenience of traffic and school group and facilities for extracurricular activities and the degree of satisfaction was high in Jisan zone in othe items except for room's size and heating facilities. 4. In the tenants' apprasials on tile inside and outside spaces of the zones, important factors were "Cultural Institutions", "Green Areas", "Level of Welfare Facilities" and "Utility degree of welfare facilities" and in the classification of important factors according to the zones, the first and the third factors were changed each other. I think this is because they attached importance to somethings dissatisfied in present circumstances.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.156-179
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• 2020

The Preservation Decree (1933) is the basic law relevant to the conservation of cultural property of colonial Chosun, and invoked clauses from the Old History Preservation Act (1897), the Historic Scenic Sites Natural Monument Preservation Act (1919), and the National Treasure Preservation Act (1929), which were all forms of Japanese Modern Cultural Heritage Law, and actually used the corresponding legal text of those laws. Thus, the fact that the Preservation Decree transplanted or imitated the Japanese Modern Cultural Heritage Law in the composition of the constitution can be proved to some extent. The main features and characteristics of the Preservation Decree are summarized below. First, in terms of preservation of cultural property, the Preservation Decree strengthened and expanded preservation beyond the existing conservation rules. In the conservation rules, the categories of cultural properties were limited to historic sites and relics, while the Preservation Decree classifies cultural properties into four categories: treasures, historic sites, scenic spots, and natural monuments. In addition, the Preservation Decree is considered to have advanced cultural property preservation law by establishing the standard for conserving cultural property, expanding the scope of cultural property, introducing explicit provisions on the restriction of ownership and the designation system for cultural property, and defining the basis for supporting the natural treasury. Second, the Preservation Decree admittedly had limitations as a colonial cultural property law. Article 1 of the Preservation Decree sets the standard of "Historic Enhancement or Example of Art" as a criteria for designating treasures. With the perspective of Japanese imperialism, this acted as a criterion for catering to cultural assets based on the governor's assimilation policy, revealing its limitations as a standard for preserving cultural assets. In addition, the Japanese imperialists asserted that the cultural property law served to reduce cultural property robbery, but the robbery and exporting of cultural assets by such means as grave robbery, trafficking, and exportation to Japan did not cease even after the Preservation Decree came into effect. This is because governors and officials who had to obey and protect the law become parties to looting and extraction of property, or the plunder and release of cultural property by the Japanese continued with their acknowledgement,. This indicates that cultural property legislation at that time did not function properly, as the governor allowed or condoned such exporting and plundering. In this way, the cultural property laws of the Japanese colonial period constituted discriminative colonial legislation which was selected and applied from the perspective of the Japanese government-general in the designation and preservation of cultural property, and the cultural property policy of Japan focused on the use of cultural assets as a means of realizing their assimilation policy. Therefore, this suggests that the cultural property legislation during the Japanese colonial period was used as a mechanism to solidify the cultural colonial rules of Chosun and to realize the assimilation policy of the Japanese government-general.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.59-72
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• 2000

Dragon robe was defined as a robe on which the principal design consisted of dragon. Dragon patterns have been used on princess robes during T'and Dynasty. In Sung, Dragon-figured robes seem to have an Imperial prerogative. Yuan took over the use of robes with dragons patterns as a definite institition. Ming tried to reject all Yuan innovations, the dragon robe was retained as an unofficial court costume. The Emperor's semiformal robes which at first had four dragon medallions, later had twelve along with the 12 Symbols(십이장문). As Ch'ing dragon robes were only intended fro semiformal use. The Later Ch'ing robes date from after 1719, when the Ch'ien-lung(건륭) introduced 12 Symbols on Ch'ing robes. The Ch'ien-lung laws were disobeyed, notably the ones that specified the number of claws on the dragons. THe Emperor's dragon robe, lung-p'ao, (용포) was described as bright yellow in color, having four slits and horsefoof cuffs. The basic pattern consisted of nin dragons, in addition it had 12 Symbols. The elaborate textile techniques reached their peak in Ch'ing Dynasty-with its Weaving and Dyeing Office in Peking, and this factories at Hangchow(항주), Soochow(소주), and Naking(남경) -helps to explain why the decay of the Ch'ing bureaucracy hastended the decline of dragon robes. In the Ch'ing Dynasty tow terms were used for dragon robe, depending on the number of claws on the dragons. Those with five-clawed dragons were called lung-p'ao, while those with four-clawed dragons were called mang-p'ao(망포). The Court felt compelled to take corrective meausres. It decreeed that Ninisters of State and other officials, who had been bestowed five-clawed lung dragons, must take out one claw. Finally, the sale of ranks and the attendant privilege of wearing dragon robes gradually increased during the 18 th century, reaching its height in the 19 th century, Finally, after the Taiping Rebellion, when the Imperial Treasury was depleted by the wholesale destruction of revenue-producing lands, the Chinese government came to depend on such sales as an important source of revenue and the practice became even more widespread. The ensuing mass production of dragon robes, and the necessity of conforming to the fairly rigid basic pattern established in 1759, resulted in marked deterioration of workmanship, and a comparative monotony of decoration. The patterns on the dragon robes slight changes continued to be made in the ways of representign them. The li shui (입수) portion at the base of the robe become inreasingly wider throughout the 19th century. The background became cluttered with symbols of good fortune, scattered among the clouds and waves. As a result of all this extraneous decoration, the dragons were so crowded that they had to shrink back into the small size that they had originally occupied in the medallons. Kuang-hsu(광저) was a long one, allowing time for the manufacture of numerous robes. Also, it would seem likely that Occidental museums and collections would have a considerable number of his robes, in view of the widespread looting of his palaces during the Allied occupation of Peking in 1900, and the frequent sales of Late Ch'ing imperial textiles by destitute Manchu courtiers in the '20's.