• 제목/요약/키워드: long-live area

검색결과 56건 처리시간 0.021초

고려의 원시영역 유목초지, 그 부르칸(불함)이즘과 한국축산의 비전 (Burqanism from the Origin of the Pastoral Nomadic Koryo Region and the Vision of Korean Livestock Farming)

  • 주채혁
    • 한국초지조사료학회지
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    • 제25권1호
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    • pp.71-82
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    • 2005
  • Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

한국 3개 지역의 결혼, 결혼년령 및 출산력에 관한 연구 (AGE AT MARRIAGE AND FERTILITY OF WOMEN IN THREE SELECTED AREAS IN KOREA, 1970)

  • 김모임
    • 대한간호학회지
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    • 제3권3호
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    • pp.1-14
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    • 1973
  • This study is designed to meet the following objectives: (1) To study attitude and behavior regarding marriage and age at marriage, (2) To learn correlates of age at marriage and to examine their relations, (3) To measure relative importance of the correlates of age at marriage, and (4) To study relations of age at marriage and family planning practice to fertility and their relative importance as correlates of fertility. The data are obtained by an independent cross-sectional survey in three study areas purposively selected to represent metropolitan. semihuman. rural population. The study population is confined to women age 17-50 as of survey. The overall response rate is 90%. Reliability of data is measured by . individual and aggregate inconsistency based upon a 15% subsample of the original interviews. The individual inconsistency (31%) is found to be high compared to the aggregate inconsistency (6%) for all 85 variables. However, the magnitude of differences between means is small, and the mean absolute shifts and proportional shifts are also small on the whole. In a word respondents did not change their answers too extremely or radically. The study populations of each study area are compared on some basic characteristics. It is found that the three study populations have more dissimilarities than similarities. The findings on seven different attitudinal positions of women toward marriage indicate that there have been tremendous changes in all study areas Iron "traditional" attitudes which have been prevalent for a long time in Korean society to "liberalized" or "modernized" attitudes. An apparent tendency is that women generally take a position of a "golden mean" attitude by not preferring either extreme of marriage attitudes. Nevertheless, the young, single, educated, and urbanite appears more "liberalized. " There has been some increase in ideal age at marriage from 1958 to 1970 for both sexes. No age group, marital status, or study area differentials in ideal age at marriage are found, the average ideal age at marriage in every sub-group being 24-25. Awareness of existing legal marriageable ages is low; only 4.4% are aware that "with parental permission: minimum age for males is 18 years and for females 16 years,"and only 3.7% are aware that "without parental permission: 27 years for males and 23 years for females." People in Korra tend to marry spouses who are in various social ways like themselves: the similarities include (a) education, occupational status of father, (c) economic status, (d) usual residence before marriage, and (e) religion. Both singulars and actual mean ages at marriage in this study confirm the trend of rising age at marriage previously established by other independent studies. The urban-rural differential in age at marriage is observed, but the differential narrows down gradually from 1935 to 1970. All socio-economic, demographic, and other variables pertaining to wife before and at first marriage, excluding (a) religion, (b) father′s of occupation, and (c) as: of menarche, are correlated with respondent's age at first marriage, whereas only three variables out of all socio-economic variables relating to husband before and at wife′s first marriage, viz., (a) education, (b) usual residence, and (c) economic level of his old home, are correlated with respondent′s age at marriage. Among socio-economic and modernity variables related to either husband or wife at the time of survey, only education and duration of residence are correlated with wife′s age at first marriage. Among the correlates of respondent′age at first marriage, education is in general the most important variable. However, it is found that wife′s education is more important than husband′s. The combined effects or the correlates studied explain no more than about 40% of variance for any of the selected groups of variables. Points which might counteract the effects of late marriage on fertility are not serious in Korea. For each of the correlates of the three fertility indices chosen for this study. namely, (a) number of living children, (b) number of live births, and (c) number of pregnancies, age at marriage is the major contributor to the variance in all age groups except the age group of 20-29 in which the index of family planning practice is the major contributor. The proportion of variability in fertility indices accounted for by the correlates is never more than 40% of the total variance in any age group. Based upon the findings from this study, it could be concluded that in the foreseeable future (a) celibate group will no! be increased to a point that would slow down population growth rate in Korea, (b) age at marriage will not increase continually, (c) although education stands out as the major contributing variable which independently explains the variation in age at marriage, it seems probable that education may not be the major variable in the near future, and (d) despite the fact found by this study that age at marriages has been the major contributor to the variance of each of the fertility indices used, family planning practice will play a more important role in the reduction of fertility in the Korean society. Therefore, factors interrupting practice of family planning must be eliminated and family planning program should be strengthened if further fertility reduction is needed.

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부산지역 일반주택에서의 라돈농도측정 (Radon concentration measurement at general house in Pusan area)

  • 임인철
    • 대한방사선기술학회지:방사선기술과학
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    • 제27권2호
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    • pp.29-33
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    • 2004
  • 1980년대 초까지 우리들은 라돈이 우리의 건강을 해친다는 생각을 하지 못하고 살아 왔다. 그러나 과학자들은 오래 전부터 우리가 사는 실내에 라돈 방사능의 위험이 도사리고 있다는 사실을 알게 되었다. 특히 우리나라에서는 라돈에 대한 위해와 인체에 미치는 영향에 대한 관심이 저조하다. 최근 들어 라돈 오염에 대한 의식을 가지고 서울 지하철의 일부 역, 학교 시설의 실내 공기, 주택 내 공기 중 라돈 문제의 중요성과 위험성에 대해 알리고 측정, 관리하는 관심을 가지게 되었다. 일반적으로 건물의 지반에서 방출된 라돈가스가 건물 바닥 갈라진 틈새 등을 통해 실내로 들어옴으로써 라돈이나 라돈낭핵종의 실내 공기 중 농도는 증가하게 된다. 따라서, 균열된 건물 바닥의 틈, 지하로부터 실내로 들어오는 상하수 파이프와 지반 사이에 틈새가 많을 수록 실내의 라돈 농도는 높아진다. 이와 같이, 라돈은 지각 뿐만 아니라 건축 자재물 상수, 취사용 천연가스 등을 통해서도 실내로 들어오지만 라돈의 85%이상은 지각으로부터 방출된 것이다. 폐암의 한 원인으로 지목 받는 라돈과 라돈 낭핵종에 의한 건강상의 위해는 토양 중 우라늄의 함량이 높은 지역과 광산의 갱내, 동굴, 주택과 같이 밀폐된 공간에서 특히 높아진다. 라돈 농도의 안전한 준위란 알 수 없으며 크든 작든 간에 항상 위험이 존재한다. 그러므로 중요한 것은 주택 및 건물 내에서 라돈의 농도를 낮춤으로써 폐암의 위험을 감소시키는 것이다. 따라서 일반 주택 라돈 농도 측정이 필요한 것으로 생각되어, 신틸레이터 라돈 모니터를 이용하여 월별로 라돈 농도를 측정하였다. 연구결과는 지상보다는 지하가 1년 내내 높게 나타났으며, 여름보다는 겨울이 높게 나타났다. 특히 미국 환경 보호청이 권고하는 주택 내 4 pCi를 넘는 달은 지하 내에서만 나타났으며, 12개월 중 4개월로 나타나 라돈 피폭 심각성을 알게 되었다. 그러므로 라돈에 관한 기준치의 설정과 규제 및 저감 대책의 마련이 시급하다는 생각이 들며, 라돈 농도 측정한 결과를 알리고자 한다.

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군사기지 인근주민의 군용기 비행금지 청구의 허용 여부 - 최고재(最高裁) 2016. 12. 8. 선고 평성(平成) 27년(행(行ヒ)) 제512, 513호 판결 - (Permission of the Claim that Prohibits Military Aircraft Operation Nearby Residential Area - Supreme Court of Japan, Judgement Heisei 27th (Gyo hi) 512, 513, decided on Dec. 8, 2016 -)

  • 권창영
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제33권1호
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    • pp.45-79
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    • 2018
  • 항공기나 군용기의 운용이 폭발적으로 증가함에 따라, 공항이나 비행장 인근 주민들이 항공기 운항으로 인한 소음 진동 등을 이유로 손해배상을 청구하거나 비행을 금지하는 경우가 점차 늘어나고 있다. 최근에는 원고는 토지의 소유권에 터 잡아 피고를 상대로 토지의 상공을 헬기의 이 착륙 항로로 사용하는 행위의 금지를 구하는 소를 제기하였고, 대전고등법원에서 청구를 인용한 사례가 있다. 비록 위 판결은 대법원에서 파기되었지만, 비행금지청구에 관한 논의가 필요하다. 일본에서는 공항소음소송이 환경단체를 중심으로 오래 전부터 제기되어 왔는데, 소음피해로 인한 손해배상을 인정하는 경우와 달리 비행금지청구를 인용한 판결은 2014. 5. 21. 요코하마 지방재판소에서 처음 선고되었다. 위 판결은 항소심에서 일부 변경되어 원고의 청구가 일부 인용되었으나. 최고재판소에서 파기 환송되었다. 아쓰기(厚木) 기지는 미국과 일본이 공동으로 사용하는 기지인데, 인근주민들은 아쓰기 기지에 이착륙하는 항공기에서 발생하는 소음에 의해 신체적 피해 및 수면방해, 생활방해 등의 정신적 피해를 받고 있다고 주장하면서, 방위청장관이 소속되어 있는 국가에 대하여 자위대기 및 미군기의 운항금지 등을 요구하는 행정소송을 요코하마 지방재판소에 제기하였다. 제1심은 "부득이하다고 인정하는 경우를 제외하고"라는 제한을 부과하여 매일 오후 10시부터 다음날 오전 6시까지 자위대기의 비행을 금지하는 판결을 선고하였고, 위와 같은 결론은 항소심에서도 유지되었다. 그러나 최고재판소는 자위대기의 비행금지청구를 인용한 원심판결을 파기하고, 그 부분에 해당하는 제1심 판결을 취소하였으며, 원고들의 청구를 기각하였다. 최고재판소는 자위대기의 운항은 고도의 공공성이 인정되고, 소음피해는 경시할 수 없으나 상응하는 대책을 강구할 수 있으므로, 방위청장관의 권한행사는 타당하다고 판시하였다. 우리나라에서도 군용기지 인근주민들이 미국이나 대한민국 또는 국방부장관을 상대로 군용기 비행금지를 구하는 소를 제기할 수 있다. 만약 군용기지 부근의 주민들이 미국정부를 상대로 미군기 비행금지를 청구하는 소를 제기하면, 법원은 재판권면제를 이유로 소장각하명령을 하여야 한다. 현행 판례 법리에 따르면, 국방부장관을 상대로 군용기의 비행금지를 청구하는 의무이행소송이나 무명항고소송은 허용되지 아니하므로, 그러한 소는 부적법하다. 다만, 행정소송법이 개정되어 의무이행소송이 도입된다면 소제기는 적법하게 될 수 있다. 군용기 운항에 관한 행정처분이 위법하다고 판단하기 위해서는 청구가 허용될 경우 인근주민이 받을 이익과 상대방 및 제3자가 받게 될 불이익 등을 비교 형량해 보아야 한다. 국방부장관으로서는 군용기의 운항으로 인한 이익(초계임무나 대잠활동 등 국방상 필요, 항공정보의 획득 제공, 재해파견 등 민생협력 활동, 해적대처 등 국제공헌, 교육 훈련 등)이 인근주민이 군용기 비행금지로 인하여 얻는 이익보다 훨씬 크다는 점을 주장 증명할 필요가 있다.

농촌 지역 중소병원의 가정간호사업소 등록환자의 방문비용분석 (Cost Analysis of Home Nursing Care Patients in Rural Hospital)

  • 김진순;금란;황보수자
    • 농촌의학ㆍ지역보건
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    • 제24권1호
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    • pp.91-101
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    • 1999
  • 장 노년층 인구증가에 따른 건강문제의 다양화, 주민의 건강 요구증가에 부응하기 위해서는 기존의 의료기관 중심의 진료서비스 만으로는 새로운 건강문제를 충분히 해결할 수 없으므로 새로운 보건의료 제공 체계가 도입 되기에 이르렀다. 이미 선진국에서는 오랜 역사를 갖고 있는 가정간호사제도가 우리 나라에서도 입법화되어 1994년부터 병원중심의 가정간호사업이 시범적으로 운영되고 있다. 본 연구는 농촌지역의 중소병원에서 실시하고있는 가정간호사업소에 등록되어 있는 환자의 방문비용을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 실시되었으며, 1996년 5월 - 1997년 4월(1년간)까지 등록된 102명의 진료기록부를 분석하였다. 자료 분석 방법은 수준을 파악하기 위하여 평균과 분포로 분석하였으며 변수간의 차이점 등은 t - test와 ANOVA로 분석하였다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 등록환자의 일반적 특성은 남자가 44.1%, 여자가 55.9%로서 여자가 높았으며 연령은 60세 이상이 73.5%로서 노인 환자가 많았다. 둘째, 골다공증이 등록환자의 35.3%로서 제일 높았으며 각종 암이 21.6%, 뇌졸중이 14.7%로 나타나 연령과 관계가 깊은 것으로 나타났다. 질환특성은 복합질환, 즉 한가지 이상의 증상, 혹은 질환을 함께 갖고있는 경우가 73.5%로서 단순질환 26.5% 보다 높았다. 셋째, 남자 환자의 방문당 평균비용이 47,764원으로서 여자 환자의 46,078원 보다 높았다. 연령별로는 연령이 높아질수록 방문당 평균비용이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 성별과 연령별 비용은 통계학적으로 유의한 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 질환 특성별 비용은 단순질환이 복합 질환보다 방문당비용이 약간 높았으나 통계학적으로 유의한 차이가 없었으며, 질환별로는 COPD, 각종 암, 당뇨, 골다공증의 순으로 방문비용이 높게 나타났다. 다섯째, 가정간호의 방문비용이 질환으로 병원에서 치료받을 경우 보다 적게 나타나 비용효율이 있는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구 결과는 제한된 자료를 분석한 것이므로 결과를 일반화시키는데 신중을 기할 필요가 있다. 그러나 가정간호사제도가 향후 정착되기 위해서는 가정간호 대상질환의 선정, 서비스내용 및 질, 비용효율 및 효과에 대한 평가가 계속 실시될 것을 제안한다.

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경북 지역의 향사와 불천위제례의 진설과 제수 비교 - 대구와 안동지역 중심으로 - (Comparison of Hyang-Sa and Bulchunwee Rituals and Food in Kyungbuk - Focused on Daegu and Andong Areas -)

  • 최정희;박금순
    • 한국식품조리과학회지
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    • 제24권6호
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    • pp.801-810
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    • 2008
  • The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.