• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.171-200
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• 2023

This research aims to analyze the external activities of local governments in South Korea from the perspective of the developing trends in city diplomacy, contrary to the conventional and narrow concept regarding local government's international exchange and cooperation as a public diplomacy. In detail, this research intends to illustrate the following: first, to differentiate South Korean local governments' growing commitment to international affairs from public diplomacy; second, to highlight the integration of public diplomacy with other forms of diplomacy within the framework of city diplomacy. This research argues that city diplomacy in South Korea has gradually shown the following three trends and characteristics. First, South Korean local governments have recognized the importance of participating in multilateral diplomacy via city networks to find compelling solutions to non-traditional and transnational security threats. They perceive this external activity as an opportunity for policy sharing and problem-solving with foreign partners. Second, local governments in South Korea have been fostering various ways to institutionalize their involvement in foreign affairs and organizations, such as amendments to related laws and the launching of task forces, to pursue so-called sustainable and systematic international exchange and cooperation. Lastly, South Korean local governments have constructed multiple channels and multilevel governance in the form of public-private partnerships to enhance policy expertise and cope with diverse agendas.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.139-144
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• 2020

While networks of many countries around the world are actively connected with the establishment of ICT-based infrastructure, diplomatic activities are also evolving into various diplomatic forms that are different from traditional diplomacy before. In particular, in the process, public diplomacy activities that focus on subjects other than the government and new diplomatic areas are accelerating. This study identifies the current state of public diplomacy that has emerged as a representative type of new diplomatic style and derives policy implications for the revitalization of global governance. The analysis was attempted based on data generated mainly on the main contents of various diplomatic activities by each entity, and the future direction of public diplomacy was sought. In particular, the subject of diplomacy is becoming more diverse, and most of all, various activities are being carried out based on the world stage due to changes in diplomatic means. Most of all, they understood that all the people are playing the role of private diplomacy, and that the roles and capabilities of local governments are becoming stronger. Global governance needs to be built to revitalize public diplomacy, and support policies need to be continued by expanding the role of public diplomacy and various topics.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.49-69
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• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.1-10
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• 2021

This study sought ways to strengthen the competitiveness of local governments using public diplomacy, especially in Chungcheongbuk-do, at a time when it is urgent to revitalize the local economy by attracting investment from domestic and foreign companies due to changes in the global supply chain. The main issues that have recently emerged in the global business environment include strengthening the localization of the global value chain, diversifying reshoring and supply chains, and creating an efficient global value chain through digital transformation. Therefore, this study emphasized the necessity of a strategy for public diplomacy based on these changes, and derived the response conditions and detailed strategies of Chungcheongbuk-do through SWOT analysis. In addition, based on the ABCD model, we set up a Chungbuk-type public diplomacy strategy and suggested strategic implications for upgrading Chungbuk's competitiveness.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.1-16
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• 2012

In 2010, nearly thirteen hundred Buddhist monks from all over the world converged on to the small Indonesian resort town of Berastagi to celebrate the inauguration of the Taman AlamLumbini, a replica of Myanmar's most iconic Theravada Buddhist temple, the ShwedagonPaya. Nestled on Christian lands within a predominantly Muslim country, the building of the Taman AlamLumbini marked several years of negotiation amongst various religious communities, local government mediators, and patrons. This study makes a preliminary assessment of the ways in which cultural and historical discourses were used by participants to evoke a sense of transnational connectedness outside the realm of formal bilateral diplomacy. Through particular Buddhist ceremonies, rituals, and imagery, Myanmar sponsors and Indonesian patrons promoted a sense of broad pan-Asianism that linked monks, state officials, and local lay practitioners into a single community. A brief examination of the key speeches during the opening ceremony reveals that national interest and identity were still very much in play.

• Journal of Applied Tourism Food and Beverage Management and Research
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• v.10
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• pp.1-25
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• 1999

Tourism is a word meaning enjoyable based on tourism order. No matter how free is the journey guaranteed, there is a limit to the orders travellers follow. In other words, constitutionalism suitable for a region or country can be found in any tourist resort at home and abroad. Foreign or local tourism travelling in Korea have tourism-related rules to keep, and people working for tourism and organization of it have also rules. Therefore, a study for the rule of law is needed in aspect of how to improve tourism. Unfortunately, none of those rules of law to be followed by tourist and people working for tourism have not been researched. For instance, any principle of law has not been studied to help improve people-to-people diplomacy and national economy those of which are emphasized by tourism basic law. Finally, a research is needed for law reforms that guide tourism in future.

• Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.351-357
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• 2007

The Japanese Government selected Mutsu, Aomori Prefecture as a provisional spent-fuel repository site. This comes as a result of the prefecture's five-year campaign to host the site since 2000. Korea stores spent nuclear fuel within sites of nuclear power plants, and expects the storage capacity to reach its limit by the year 2016. This compels Korea to learn the cases of Japan. Having successfully hosted Gyeongju as a site for low-to-intermediate-level nuclear waste repository, Korea has already learned the potential process of hosting spent fuel storage site. The striking difference between the two countries in the process of hosting the site is that the Korean government had to offer the local city a large amount of subsidy for hosting through competitive citizens' referendum among candidate cities while it was the leadership of the local municipality that enabled the controversial decision in Japan. It is also a distinguishable characteristics of Japan that not a huge subsidy is provided to the local host city. I hope this study offers an idea to Korea's future effort to select a spent-fuel host site.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.21-34
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• 2022

This study investigated the maintenance and management of government office building in Dongnaebu, Gyeongsangdo in the mid-19th century. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Dongraebu was an important point of national defense and a place of trade and diplomacy with Japan, so it had many government facilities. There are very few government facilities remaining today, and no structure remains. Therefore, it is possible to grasp information about the government facilities through the old materials. Currently, there are public documents related to the local government offices such as Eupji, Eupsarye, and Junggi. Through comparison between public documents, we will examine the maintenance and management of Dongnaebu government facilities in the mid-19th century. As a result of the research, Dongnaebu government facilities were supervised by department and managed like articles. In addition, the name, size, and changes were all recorded in the management of the goods, and the authority of responsibility was clearly stated. This result is because the remaining material has the purpose of preparation as an accounting book. As a result, it was found that the government facilities in the late Joseon Dynasty were managed by a systematic department with clear authority.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.57-90
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• 2012

This essay is for a study on the survey of buddhist cultural literary document about the Southeast Asia by Nanqishu(南齊書), Liangshu(梁書), Chiu T'angshu(舊唐書), Hsin T'ang shu(新唐書) which are included in the Chinese Official History and Jí-shénzhōu-sānbăo-găntōng-lù(集神州三寶感通錄), Weioshu Shilao Ji (魏書 釋老志). These documents allows us to imagine next some historical states. First, these documents are recording this area, especially Funan, as a plentiful diggings of gold, silver, tin, copper, etc. These are important materials for gilt bronze sculptures. Further, this local produced gold called 'Yangmai(楊邁)' is recognized as same as Zĭmòjīn(紫磨金) in china, and these documents explains the process of producing the bronze images and golden ornaments in Southeast Asia. Specially, this plentiful materials leads them to make a 10 wei(圍) tall golden-silver image which worshiped as hindu god or sometimes buddhist images. Second, Vietnam and Funan in Northern and Southern Dynasty periods were in antagonistic relationship not only in the political but also in religious between Vietnamese Hinduism and Funan's Buddhism. Under this situation, the monk Nagaxian(那伽仙) who had came from India was accredited to Southern Qi court as a delegate to build a good relationship by the common religion Buddhism. It means the Buddhism of Southeast Asia also took a role of diplomacy. Third, these documents proved the active Southeast Asian cultural exchange in early 3th century. At this time, Funan delegate Suwu(蘇物) visited the court of Kushan Dynasty in India and he is seemed to travel the city of Pātaliputra. It oppressed us to extend our outlook which have been restricted in the relationship between Southern india and Southeast Asia to more broaden area. In addition, the buddhist art of Southern India and Bodhgaya temple was imported to Southeast Asia directly to send to Southern China. For example, the wooden buddha image, Bodhgaya stupa image, and Sri Lanka style's buddha images are looked be introduced to Southern China at this time throughout the Southeast Asia. At last, we got to know that the court music of Kucha in the northern silk route was imported to the Southeast Asia in early middle age. Even it may be introduced by China, but this document is very important to make the surmise is not unreasonable that the buddhist culture of northern silk route imported to the Southeast Asia accompanied with Kucha music. The buddha images in Gandharan style which are excavated from some site of Southeast Asia may demonstrate this literary sources is authentic.