• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.121-143
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• 2020

The present study examined the content and changes in leader role schemas associated with 'male' leaders, 'female' leaders, and 'good' leaders over the past 10 years in Korea. In addition, we analyzed how the gender of the respondents affects their perception of male leaders versus female leaders as a good leader. A total of 736 Korean adults residing in the Seoul metropolitan area participated in the survey at two different time points, one in 2007, and the other in 2017. The respondents were presented with a total of 90 behavior items driven from the literature and asked to choose the items that represent male leaders, female leaders, and good leaders, respectively. We found that the chosen behavior items for male leaders versus female leaders matched closely to the typical sex role of males (i.e., being agentic) versus females (i.e., being communal). By contrast, the chosen behavior items for good leaders reflected both the male-typed roles and the female-typed roles. We also found that the role schemas associated with male leaders as well as good leaders have changed over the 10 year period. Those schemas also differed between male versus female respondents. For female leaders, however, the role schemas were found to be stable over the 10 years. We also found that the good leader schemas are more specified and variable than are the male or the female schemas. Additionally, in the 2007 survey male characteristics overlapped with good leader characteristics to a greater degree than did female characteristics. This difference was no longer observed in the 2017 survey. The observed difference in the degree of overlap between male (versus female) characteristics with good leader characteristics was attributable to the perceptions of male respondents. We discuss implications of our findings and directions for future research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.