• Title/Summary/Keyword: l\breve{i}\

Search Result 10, Processing Time 0.029 seconds

A Study of English Loanwords

  • Lee, Hae-Bong
    • Proceedings of the KSPS conference
    • /
    • 2000.07a
    • /
    • pp.365-365
    • /
    • 2000
  • English segments adopted into Korean can be divided into three types: Some English segments /$m, {\;}n, {\;}{\eta}, {\;}p^h, {\;}t^h, {\;}k^h$/ are adopted into the original sound [$m, {\;}n, {\;}{\eta}, {\;}p^h, {\;}t^h, {\;}k^h$] in Korean. Other segments /b, d, g/ appear in the voiceless stop form [p, t, k]. Generative Phonology explains the presence of the above English segments in Korean but it cannot explain why the English segments /$f, {\;}v, {\;}{\Theta}, {\;}{\breve{z}}, {\;}{\breve{c}}, {\;}{\breve{j}}$/ disappear during the adopting process. I present a set of universal constraints from the Optimality Theory proposed by Prince and Smolensky(l993) and I show how English segments differently adopted into Korean can be explained by these universal constraints such as Faith(feature). N oAffricateStop, Faith(nasal), NoNasalStop, Faith(voice), NoVoicedStop and the interaction of these constraints. I conclude that this Optimality Theory provides insights that better capture the nature of the phonological phenomena of English segments in Korean.

  • PDF

Mathematics of Chosun Dynasty and $Sh\grave{u}\;l\breve{i}\;j\bar{i}ng\;y\grave{u}n$ (數理精蘊) (조선(朝鮮) 산학(算學)과 수리정온(數理精蘊))

  • Hong Young-Hee
    • Journal for History of Mathematics
    • /
    • v.19 no.2
    • /
    • pp.25-46
    • /
    • 2006
  • We investigate the process of western mathematics into Chosun and its influences. Its initial and middle stages are examined by Choi Suk Jung(崔錫鼎, $1645\sim1715$)'s Gu Su Ryak(九數略), Hong Jung Ha(洪正夏, $1684\sim?$)'s Gu Il Jib(九一集) and Hwang Yun Suk(黃胤錫, $1719\sim1791$)'s I Su Shin Pyun(理藪新編), Hong Dae Yong(洪大容, $1731\sim1781$)'s Ju Hae Su Yong(籌解需用), respectively. Western mathematics was transmitted for the study of the Shi xian li(時憲曆) when it was introduced in Chosun. We also analyze Su Ri Jung On Bo Hae(數理精蘊補解, 1730?) whose author studied $Sh\grave{u}\;l\breve{i}\;j\bar{i}ng\;y\grave{u}n$ most thoroughly, in particular for astronomy, and finally Lee Sang Hyuk(李尙爀, $1810\sim?$), Nam Byung Gil(南秉吉, $1820\sim1869$) who studied together structurally western mathematics.

  • PDF

A Study of the Academic Perspective of Chang Seok Sun (장석순(張錫純)의 학술사상에 관한 연구)

  • Woo, Ho;Park, Hyun-kuk
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
    • /
    • v.7 no.1
    • /
    • pp.1-32
    • /
    • 1998
  • I found following idea, as a result of researching his Science idea, mainly, by translation of the "$Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n$ $Xu\acute{e}$ $Sh\acute{u}$ ssu $hsi\acute{a}ng$ "(張錫純 學術硏究). $Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n$ regarded $ch\tilde{u}ng$ $ch\bar{u}ng$ $ts'\bar{a}n$ $hs\bar{l}$' (衷中參西) as the core idea of The Chinese-Western medical combination. He didn't segregate philosophy of the West from One of the Orient. He persued to harmonize each other and thought that the Western medicint theory is included in the Chinese one in many parts. besides, He recognized that it is bad to reject each other, for the medical science's purpose is to save a life, and united The Chinese-Western medicine theory, by $ch\acute{u}ng$ $ch\tilde{u}ng$ $ch\bar{u}ng$ $ts'\bar{a}n$ $hs\bar{l}$'(衷中參西) idea which refers to consult the Western medicine on the basis of the Chinese one. Medical basic theory of $Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n$ brought up new views of the theory : Dae-gi(大氣), gi-Hwa(氣化) theory, Nongangubgan byung juing chi(論肝及肝病證治), Eum her chijung ja bi(陰虛治重滋脾). Lim Sangeung yong(臨床應用) of Hyul Her gub(血虛及)-Hwal Hyul Hwa $\breve{u}$ bub(活血化瘀法), on the basis of classics, such as, "$N\breve{e}i$ Ching"(內經), "Chin Kue $\breve{i}$ $y\bar{a}o$ $l\ddot{u}{\bar{e}}h$, "Shen $n\acute{u}ng$ $p\breve{e}n$ $t\acute{s}{\check{a}}o$ ching"(新農本草經) etc. I'll sum up $Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n's$ clinical idea now He unified Sang Han(像寒)-On Byung(溫病) with Yuk Kyung Byung Jung(六經辨證) and It was noticiable to utilize a kinds of Baek Ho Tang(白虎湯). He gave a detailed description about a method of grasp the symptoms of the cause of the internal medicine diseases and pathology and, he left abundant views of theory about using remedy and experience of clinic.

  • PDF

Studies on Geology and Mineral Resources of the Okchŏn Belts -Geological Structure of the Areas between Pyŏngchang, Yŏngwŏl and Jechŏn- (옥천대(沃川帶)의 지질(地質) 및 광물자원(鑛物資源)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) -평창(平昌)~영월(寧越)~제천지역(堤川地域)의 지질구조(地質構造)-)

  • Kim, Ok Joon;Park, Pong Soon;Min, Kyung Duck
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
    • /
    • v.18 no.4
    • /
    • pp.369-379
    • /
    • 1985
  • The geological structures and some of the stratigraphy in the area studied are being thought to be ambiguous and controvertible. The present study intended to clarify these ambiguities by correct interpretation of the geological structures and lithostratigraphy of the area concerned. The so-called "Sambangsan formation", which was designated as an unknown age by the Taebaksan Geological Investigation Corps (1962) and as the mid Cambrian age by T. Kobayashi (1966) and I.S. Kim (1983), has been determined by the present study as the $Hongj{\breve{o}}m$ series of Carbo-Permian age resting unconformably on the Cambro-Ordovician limestone formations. This determination was supported by conodont study concurrently carried out by I.S.Kim. The so-called "Daehari formation", which was renamed by the later study group after the original "Sambangsan formation" distributed in the area from southwest of Sambangsan toward southwest to $Juch{\breve{o}}n$, possesses more or less the same lithlogy as "Sambangsan formation" of the old designation in the eastern of the area, but different lithology in the western localities where Sadong formation, the basal sandstone member of the Kobangsan formation and the green shale member of the Nokam formation are cropped out. The narrow belt of the complex mixture of the $Py{\breve{o}}ngan$ group in-between limestone formations extending over 16km with a width of 500m to 1000m was formed by the faults: the northern boundary with the limestone formations is a fault contact all the way through entire area and the southern boundary is either fault contact in most of the area and unconformity in some other area. The $Hongj{\breve{o}}m$ formation on the Mt. Sambangsan shows rather steeply dipping nearly isoclinal folds which plunges $10^{\circ}$ to $20^{\circ}$ southward. There are also field evidences that the limestone formations distributed in both north and south of the Hongjom formation (erstwhile "Sambangsan formation") along the Sambangsan ridge are the same formations and show the same folding as the $Hongj{\breve{o}}m$ formation. Therefore, these limestone formations should be rezoned in the light of the new structural interpretation although they were differently designated in the previous studies as $Py{\breve{o}}ngchang$ and $Y{\breve{o}}ngw{\breve{o}}l$-type of the Joson Group. The structures developed in the area mostly faults, which acted as one of the guides for the new interpretation of the geology and structure of the area are described and shown on the geologic map.

  • PDF

Natural Environment of Silk Road (실크로드의 자연환경)

  • Son, Myoung-Won
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
    • /
    • v.11 no.1
    • /
    • pp.29-39
    • /
    • 2005
  • Silk Road is the term involving all traffic roads connecting the East to the West, and ancient Korean culture has became globalized through Silk Road. In this paper, natural environment of Silk Road is considered as fundamental data in order to understand the Western culture introduced through Silk Road. Silk Road region is classified into Loess Plateau district; arid basin district; and high mountains district; Hesi Corridor(河西回廊) is the transition zone that the southeastern part of $W{\breve{u}}w{\bar{e}}i$(武威) is Loess Plateau district; other northwestern part is arid basin district Loess Plateau district, composed of homogeneous fines, has experienced dramatic soil loss by bringing under cultivation. At recent times, reforestation and construction of check-dam have been in operation to cope with this problems, Arid basin district; although at midlatitude, is desert climate because it is far from the ocean and is surrounded by high mountains. Oasis of Hesi Corridor is continuous linearly, but that of arid basin district is sporadic. In $H{\bar{a}}mi$ and $T{\breve{u}}l{\breve{u}}f{\bar{a}}n$(吐魯番) fruit-growing using karez flourishes, And glacier of $Ti{\bar{a}}nshian$(天山) Mts. and $Q{\bar{i}}lian$(祁連) Mts. is very important to arid basin district because of supplying water resource. In the tundra zone surrounding alpine glacier, are distributed widely solifluction lobes and earth hummocks.

  • PDF

A Study on the View on Nature in Ch'o-Jung's Three-Verse Poems(Sijo) (초정(艸丁) 김상옥(金相沃) 시조(時調)에 나타난 자연관(自然觀))

  • Choi, Heung-Yeol
    • Sijohaknonchong
    • /
    • v.30
    • /
    • pp.263-300
    • /
    • 2009
  • Adoration for nature constitutes one of the primary subjects that literature has tackled since the origin of human history. Nature expressed through a poet's subjective imagination is the internalized and reorganized nature. This study examines the view on nature enacted in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems (sijo) in light of the traditional views on nature implicated in the ancient three-verse poems (koshijo), which is in line with the long-established Oriental view on nature. To dignitaris(sadaebu) in the Chosun Dynasty, nature appeared as the idealistic subject for moral culture ($shims{\breve{o}}ngsuyang$), which also becomes the literary space where the purity and justice of the world view of Neo-Confucianism(Sungrihak) is contained in the form of the three-verse poem, the lyrical poetic space where the "I" is united with nature by way of "enjoying of wind and moon"($umpungnongw{\breve{o}}i$) and "living in quiet retiremen"($yuyuchaj{\breve{o}}k$), and the object for the poetical perception of the surrounding world. Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse odes are found in Reed pipe ($Ch'oj{\breve{o}}k$), Sixty Five Pieces of Three-Verse Odes (Samhaengshi-$yukshipopy{\breve{o}}n$), Autumn Fragrance ($Hyangginam{\check{u}}n-ga{\check{u}}l$), and The Words of Zelko va Tree ($N{\check{u}}tinamu{\check{u}}i-mal$). This study analyzes 212 pieces of Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse poems chosen from theses books. In Ch'o-Jung's poems, the traditional view on nature expressed in the ancient three-verse poems is rendered in such a way that metaphysical understanding of nature is indirectly transmitted through the objective correlatives found nature. Nature is no longer the object of straightforward utterance, but transformed, displaced, and removed: that way, nature gets objectified to form a complicated and multi-layered structure. In conclusion, the view on nature manifested in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems is based on traditional metaphysics. Second, nature is the object of lyrical nostalgia and adoration. Third, nature is imbued with the fundamental affection for parents. Fourth, nature is associated with organic life. Fifth, the nature in Ch'o-Jung's poems reveals the beauty of stillness endorsed in Lao-tse's and Chung-tze's philosophy. And last, nature is the agent for self-realization and meditation.

  • PDF

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
    • /
    • no.57
    • /
    • pp.57-90
    • /
    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.