• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.127-142
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• 2020

This research is the first known to introduce and analyze food-related content among the records left by George Clayton Foulk (1856-1893), a naval attache dispatched as part of a U.S. delegation to Korea during the Joseon dynasty in the 19th century. Sketches and memos by Foulk provide important clues in understanding the food culture during the late Joseon dynasty. By analyzing the types of foods, table composition, and intervals between serving the nine rounds of food from the rural government office, which Foulk ate during his local trip, he was able to confirm that there was a starter ('preliminary table' or 'hors d'œuvre') before the main table and that it was served before the main dish.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.734-745
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• 2010

"Sikui-simgam ("食醫心鑑", Book for Alimentotherapist)" written by Jameun, a doctor of Tang (唐) in the 9th century, propagated alimentotherapy in Korea, China, and Japan for a long time. In this study, Sikui-simgam medical theories were studied and the medicinal ingredients and types of food therapy were analyzed to understand alimentotherapy characteristics. "Sikui-simgam" is the first food therapy formulary diverged from herbal therapy forms. Various ingredients from "Sikui-simgam" show the food culture of the Tang age and report much about cooking and cultural history. Many prescriptions in the books are the origins of present-day food culture; thus, they are important clues to understand the present food culture. This book also describes actual prescriptions in detail. Various types of prescriptions with different ingredients are unique characteristics of food therapy and show the various possibilities for food therapy prescriptions. The food therapy prescriptions of "Sikui-simgam" were designed for medical specialists, as the book contains doses and incompatibilities for food therapy. Such food therapy prescriptions were used to treat diseases, so they were used with strict standards.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.73-81
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• 1998

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.457-465
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• 2003

The purpose of this study was to review the operation systems and estimate the food cost of the dining room(進士食堂) in Sungkyunkwan, the highest national education institute of confucianism in the Chosun dynasty. ${\ulcorner}$the true records of the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)$\lrcorner$, $\ulcorner$Taehak-Ji(太學志)$\lrcorner$ and $\ulcorner$Banjungjabyoung(泮中雜詠)$\lrcorner$were reviewed. Because the foodservices for the students were related to the Wonjeom(圓點) regulation, the qualification for the national examination(大科), Chosun dynasty government took the much considerations for the operation of the foodservice. Especially, YangHyunGo(養賢庫) was established to support the finances for Sungkyunkwan and took an important role to procure all the supplies including food. The budget of the foodservice was on a large scale. Over 960 suks(石) of rices were needed for the 200 students, and it can be converted as 276,480,000 won for the current price and the food cost per meal can be estimated about $4,000{\sim}5,000$ won.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 1998

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.341-345
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• 1988

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.268-276
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• 2019

This study separated different factors into the Korean Wave and Korean health food according to the interest in Korean culture among the Chinese living in China. We then conducted a two-step cluster analysis with gender, marriage status, academic background, interest in Korean culture, command of the Korean language and the status of having visited Korea as variables. The subjects were split into a Korean wave-preferring group, highly interested in Korean food as health food group and a low interested group according to clusters, and we then investigated for preference differences for 20 Korean food dishes. Between these two groups the statistics indicated a significant influence with a level p<0.001 for Bulgogi, Bibimbap, Kimchi, Galbi-tang, Galbi-gui, Chicken, Samgyepsal, Doenjang-Jjgae, Dak-galbi, Japchae and Gimbap p<0.01 for Samgye-tang and p<0.05 for Naengmyeon, Kimchi-Jjigae, Dak-galbi, Seolleongtang, Haemul-tang, Hanjeongsik and Tteok-bokki. Jeon and Juk did not show any statistically significant difference. Chinese consumers preferred Korean food for Samgyeopsal, Bulgogi and chicken and less preferred gruel, Hanjeongsik and Kimchi-Jjigae. The highly interested in Korean culture group preferred Samgyeopal, Bulgogi and Chicken, and less preferred Juk, Jeon and Hanjeonsik in that order. This study offers information on the Chinese's preference for different Korean food to any food service enterprises that manage Korean restaurants in China or that sell Korean cuisine and also basic data for differentiated marketing to those entering the Chinese market.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.677-691
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• 2009

In this study, the symbols and visual expressions employed in the food culture content of official website designed to promote three cities in Korea, Seoul, Jeonju and Jeju, were subjected to semiotic analysis. In this study, it was assumed that these websites reflected the varying perspectives of the people behind the development and management of these routes of Internet communication, and the semiotic choices made in order to exemplify each city's food cultural image. The aim of the study was to analyze the communication strategies of food cultural branding in the terms of the online content regarding Seoul, Jeonju, and Jeju with a focus on the comparative points in these cities' official websites. This study included conducting semiotic content analyses of the aforementioned cities' official web pages in an attempt to determine the food branding strategies used to differentiation and produce more favorable perceptions of these three cities. Building upon the findings drawn from this comparative study, the present work can be used to determine more effective ways of strategically differentiating the images of local food culture associated with these cities from the view of brand communications. This study also demonstrates viable directions for designing web content for a city where the food cultural messages can be delivered in a thoughtful and effective manner.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.463-472
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• 2006

The purpose of this study was to investigate university students' attitudes and interests for ethnic food. The questionnaire developed was distributed to 60 students majoring in food & nutrition and 260 students taking a liberal course related with food culture in world. A total of 271 questionnaires were usable ; resulting in 84.7% response rate. Among 12 kinds of ethnic food, a large number of students had an experience in Japanese, Chinese, American and Italian food. Also Chinese, American, Japanese and Italian food were familiar with them, but the hope to eat for French, Spanish, Mexican and German food was too strong. Students knew kinds, characteristics, table manners and etc. for Japanese, Chinese, and American food very well and wanted to know the information about French food. as result of positioning for ethnic food by correspondence analysis, Spanish, English, French, Germany and Mexican food had a strong image in want to eat, wanted to know information about food and got a good feeling. Students perceived Vietnamese, Thai and Indian food as having an experience, Japanese, American and Italian food as well-know about food or restaurants, and Chinese food as being familiar. The findings would indicate trends for ethnic foods and their cultures in Korea and forecast the possibility of change in foodservice market.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.144-151
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• 2005

This study examined food culture appearing in Giroyeon paintings in the late Chosun Dynasty (early $17^{th}{\sim}l9^{th}$ century), a period under political and economical difficulties in overcoming frustrations and looking for self-restoration methods after Imjinweran$(1592{\sim}1598)$ and Byungjahoran$(1636{\sim}1637)$. Paintings related to Giroyeon include Lee Gi-ryong's $(1600{\sim}?)$ painted in 1629 under the reign of King Injo $(1623{\sim}1649)$, painted jointly by Kim Jin-yeo et al. in 1720, the first year of King Gyeongjong $(1720{\sim}1724)$ and Kim Hong-do's painted in 1804 under the reign of King Sunjo $(1800{\sim}1834)$ in the early $19^{th}$ century. These paintings over three centuries of the late Chosun show changes in the character of Giroyeon, food culture and tableware culture, etc. According to these paintings, the character of Giroyeon was expanded from a feast held for high civil officials to a banquet comprehending general civil servants. These paintings show Hyangeumjueui, which means the decorum of respecting and sowing the aged men of virtue with alcohol beverage, table manner, seated culture represented by cushions and mats and individual-table culture. In addition, the expansion of demand for sunbaikja and chungwhabaikja and the diversification of vessels and dishes are demonstrated in Giroyeon paintings after Imjinweran in 1592. in this way, Giroyeon paintings show the historical characteristics of the late Chosun Dynasty, such as the collapse of Yangban-centered political system, the disintegration of the medieval system due to the emergence of the Silhak and the diversification of food culture.