• Journal of architectural history
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• v.12 no.2 s.34
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• pp.61-69
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• 2003

Manfredo Tafuri's Ideological criticism in architecture has opened a new horizon to interpreting architecture in modern capitalist architecture for it views architecture not just as a style or formal invention, but in terms of socio-economical process. It offered a comprehensive understanding of a chaotic situation of contemporary architecture and historical meaning modern architectural movements in relation with capitalistic development. However, it has been criticized as architectural pessimism which does not allow any possibility for progressive architectural practice. It was also criticized of epistemological problem of how one could be outside ideology without assuming true consciousness against false consciousness of ideology. Tafuri solves this problem by assuming Althusserian activist concept of knowledge and suggest the concept of labor of writing history of critical historians, instead of a design for utopian society, as a possible critical architectural practice. However, I argue that ultimately ideological criticism does not deny architectural practice itself, nor researches on formal characteristics of architecture. The problem lies rather in the architectural Intellectuals' attachment to the traditional concept of architect as a form giver to the society. By rejecting this myth and broadening the concept of architectural practice from design to production, we can find that Ideological problem is not architectural pessimism, but rather it opens up a new way of approaching to the problem of architectural practice in modern capitalist society.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.207-211
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• 2020

In the global economy, trade is not confined in geological boundaries, enhancing the international relation among countries. However, the trade tension between the largest economy and the second-largest economy raise concerns among the world economies, enhancing the uncertainties around world. In particular, the trade tension between the two countries is highly related with South Korea's trade balance, because the country is highly dependent on the trade with the two countries. Given this, we analyzed the news editorials published in Korean quality newsaper, with related to U.S. and China Trade War by looking at the ideological perspectives of news outlets or journalists to the issue within the framework of critical discourse analysis. In particular we gave a special attention to the attitude to each country in order to investigate their ideological stance to the country, following van Dijk (1998)' ideological square. The results are as follows: first, the Chosun Ilbo emphasized 'their' bad properties directly and aggresively, while the Hankyoreh designated the U.S. as a member of an out-group, thus mitigating 'our' bad quatilies; Second, the two strategies of emphasis and mitigation enabled both newspapers to reinforce in-group homogeneity and out-group exclusion. Thus, we could conclude that the editorial is a clear indicator to show the news outlet's ideological stance to each country in regard to the trade issue.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.141-157
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• 1998

It has been general view to Josun palace space that the Kyongbok palace, a main palace, is arranged with symmetric geometrical composition principles and, unlikely main palace, sub-palaces such as Changduk, Changkyong and Kyonghee palace are placed in organic structure adapted to natural land form. With that view, there are no common factors to be considered between these palace, main and sub palace, in composting principles of the space. In this study, because of same ideological period, although there is external difference of that palaces, that common ideological principles are projected to these two palaces types through compositing space is assumed. On this hypostasis, this study has been focused on finding the ideological principles projected to these palace space commonly. As result of study, some of them are considered as common principles; Firstly, they are arranged in the text of contents through the way of naming to building, enterence and so on. The second point is ; it is viewed that the Oheung and symmetric arrangement method based on Oheung are used in compositing of palace space. The third is ; through analizing central space of Kyongbok palace, it is analized that oneness composition principles, which are based on the theory of Umyangheong, are projected to different palace space commonly.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.101-106
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• 2017

This paper investigates how news media frame news editorials to deliver their subjective ideological stance through news discourse related with two candidates in 2016 U.S presidential election. For this purpose, 13 editorials were chosen and analyzed which appeared on the New York Time for the period from Sept. 1 to Sept. 30, almost two months prior to the election, giving special attention to the headlines of those editorials and the expressive linguistic forms in the selected two articles, based on the two theoretical frameworks-van Dijk' (1996)'s ideological square and Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal Theory. The results are as follows: (1) editorials clearly supported Hillary Clinton; (2) following the appraisal theory, the category of 'feeling' was applied in expressing the preference for Hillary, whereas the strategy of judgment for Trump, where the strategy of 'emphasis' from the ideological framework were used for both candidates.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.43-59
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• 1999

Ideological characteristics and child rearing practices of North Korean society were studied with in-depth interviews of twelve adults who had escaped from North Korea since 1990 and with a questionnaire consisting of 17 items completed by 158 subjects who had also escaped from North Korea. There are 3 ideological characteristics of North Korea : Monotheism, collectivism, and patriarchalism. Collectivism resulted in collective behavior styles; monotheism made the hero worship of the Kim Il Sung lineage possible, and patriarchalism contributed to boy-preference and to differentiated sex-role expectations for their children. In practice, parents emphasize honesty and loyalty to the Communist Party, and they use praise as verbal reinforcement. Parents also emphasize obedience and control rather than democratic participation.

• 중국학논총
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• no.68
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2021

This study aimed to analyze the minutes of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, one of the standing committees of the Korean National Assembly, by applying the WORDFISH algorithm of automated text analysis to estimate the pattern of changes in the ideological orientation of the members of Korea's political elite. The results of the analysis showed that the Legislation and Judiciary Committee generally undergoes changes in ideological orientation around the time of a major administrative change, especially during the period preceding a change up to the time of its implementation. Compared with the United States, where changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite occur simultaneously based on parties, changes in that of the political elite at the Korean National Assembly tend to occur in response to a certain transitional point in time or a change in the ruling government. What is especially noteworthy in terms of the ideological orientation reflected in the minutes of the Legislative Judiciary Committee is that the microscopic effect tends to disappear when the macroscopic effect occurs and, conversely, that the microscopic effect emerges once the macroscopic effect has disappeared. In other words, changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite appear to indicate the effect of a particular legislator's individual characteristics when no effect is observed during a given term or year of the National Assembly, whereas they revealed the effect of a given time itself when no effects related with the individual characteristics of a legislator are discerned.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.21-28
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• 2022

Unlike previous studies, this study looked at the effect of the ideological tendencies of local government heads on the social welfare budget as a longitudinal study. This study was made possible by the election of the head of a progressive group in Gumi-si, a stronghold of conservatives, after the implementation of the local self-government system. Therefore, in this study, the change process of the political ideological orientation of Gumi-si's heads and the social welfare budget by year were listed and time-series analysis was conducted using actual cases of Gumi-si, Gyeongbuk for more than 12 years. As a result of the analysis, first, as in the cross-sectional analysis, in the longitudinal study, the change in the rate of increase in the social welfare budget according to the political ideological tendencies of the head of the local government showed a meaningful difference. Second, as in the previous cross-sectional analysis, the social welfare budget increased in the year before the election. Third, the same change in the growth rate as in the second did not appear at the end of the third elected term. All studies on the relationship between the political ideological tendencies of local government heads (including local councils) and the social welfare budget have been cross-sectional. However, this study has great implications in terms of the results of the first longitudinal cross-sectional analysis.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.82
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

The North Korea have supported their own political ideological education system to maintain their basic framework of society. The north korean political education contents become from now on it be done harder. That answer is up to the government of the North Korea, and the general public in North Korea would be going after it. However, when we review this closely, both positions of the North Korean government and the general public would be different each other as before. I would figure out whether the political ideological education system in North Korea would be going on with making realistic changes or just maintaining their old system. The political and ideological education might make settled flexibility. On the other hand, we can expect that it could be reinforced by the North Korean government. For this content, this research is going to try to understand the characteristics of North Korea's ideological education policy considering both position of the North Korean government and the general public thoroughly.