• Human Ecology Research
• /
• v.56 no.3
• /
• pp.233-246
• /
• 2018

Korean society is experiencing an increase in multicultural families and single households. The incidence of the MERS, epidemic in 2015, and the subsequent cases of child abuse have been major shocks to Korean society. In addition, there has been a steady increase in household debt, that is in danger of causing a serious crisis in the stability of our society and the family. The current demand for increased accountability in the democratic process is becoming an important topic. There is also an increased awareness of natural disaster preparation due to local earthquakes that have caused concern. At this point, the lifelong education in the home economics education field in Korea is in line with the changes and crises of various societies. Problems related to family life that have happened in the real life of learners stand in the place of the study with preventive character. It should provide the best alternative for family, home, and society, and help to overcome the problems of life. In order for lifelong education to respond to these social changes $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ Home Economics Education, it is necessary to develop: 'formation and improvement education of family relationship', 'crisis prevention and management coping ability training', 'safety education', 'learning communication and consensus processes', 'consumer culture education', 'ethics education on environment and resources', 'sustainability education', 'local education of family relationship', 'crisis prevention and management coping ability training', 'safety education', 'learning communication and consensus processes', 'consumer culture education', 'ethics education on environment and resources', 'sustainability education', 'local economic activation education', and other topics of lifelong education topics related to the field of Home Economics Education are required. Consequently, various related programs should be further developed and disseminated.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.30 no.1
• /
• pp.71-130
• /
• 2008

Using data from the Korean Labor & Income Panel Study (KLIPS), this study investigates private income transfers in Korea, where adult children have undertaken the most responsibility of supporting their elderly parents without well-established social safety net for the elderly. According to the KLIPS data, three out of five households provided some type of support for their aged parents and two out of five households of the elderly received financial support from their adult children on a regular base. However, the private income transfers in Korea are not enough to alleviate the impact of the fall in the earned income of those who retired and are approaching an age of needing financial assistance from external source. The monthly income of those at least the age of 75, even with the earning of their spouses, is below the staggering amount of 450,000 won, which indicates that the elderly in Korea are at high risk of poverty. In order to analyze microeconomic factors affecting the private income transfers to the elderly parents, the following three samples extracted from the KLIPS data are used: a sample of respondents of age 50 or older with detailed information on their financial status; a five-year household panel sample in which their unobserved family-specific and time-invariant characteristics can be controlled by the fixed-effects model; and a sample of the younger split-off household in which characteristics of both the elderly household and their adult children household can be controlled simultaneously. The results of estimating private income transfer models using these samples can be summarized as follows. First, the dominant motive lies on the children-to-parent altruistic relationship. Additionally, another is based on exchange motive, which is paid to the elderly parents who take care of their grandchildren. Second, the amount of private income transfers has negative correlation with the income of the elderly parents, while being positively correlated with the income of the adult children. However, its income elasticity is not that high. Third, the amount of private income transfers shows a pattern of reaching the highest level when the elderly parents are in the age of 75 years old, following a decreasing pattern thereafter. Fourth, public assistance, such as the National Basic Livelihood Security benefit, appears to crowd out private transfers. Private transfers have fared better than public transfers in alleviating elderly poverty, but the role of public transfers has been increasing rapidly since the welfare expansion after the financial crisis in the late 1990s, so that one of four elderly people depends on public transfers as their main income source in 2003. As of the same year, however, there existed and occupied 12% of the elderly households those who seemed eligible for the National Basic Livelihood benefit but did not receive any public assistance. To remove elderly poverty, government may need to improve welfare delivery system as well as to increase welfare budget for the poor. In the face of persistent elderly poverty and increasing demand for public support for the elderly, which will lead to increasing government debt, welfare policy needs targeting toward the neediest rather than expanding universal benefits that have less effect of income redistribution and heavier cost. Identifying every disadvantaged elderly in dire need for economic support and providing them with the basic livelihood security would be the most important and imminent responsibility that we all should assume to prepare for the growing aged population, and this also should accompany measures to utilize the elderly workforce with enough capability and strong will to work.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.20 no.1
• /
• pp.105-125
• /
• 2016

The expansionary monetary policy was practiced after 2001 in Japan to treat the deflation spiral, and reduced only the nominal interest rates and domestic household demand. One of the most serious factors for this failure was the change of private sector's expectancy. This paper has studied the effect of Japanese monetary policy in 21c., with empirical research based on a renewed macroeconomic model and the VAR. The empirical analysis shows that the effect of monetary policy on the national income during 2001.01-2015.03 is weaker than that of 1985.01-1994.04. Money volume has a diminutive effect on the growth of GDP within a short term after 2001. The change in the expectations of the private sectors might have been the cause of ineffectiveness of the expansive monetary policy. Economic agents learned from the past Japanese financial crisis that an expansive monetary policy increased the inflation rate and caused the 'bubbles to burst' afterwards. The VAR analysis says that the effectiveness of monetary policy on the economic depression declined over the past 20 years and the expansion of money volume has no influence on exchange rate and net export. This means that the expansive monetary policy lost its effect on net export and national income steadily. Monetary policy makers have to recognize this fact, and to consider another anti-cycle political instrument, i.e. the fiscal policy with government debt.

• Journal of Consumption Culture
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.213-247
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study was to analyze the economic structures of low-income households, and to provide the policy suggestions for their economic well-being. The data for this study was from the 2009 year of the Korea Welfare Panel Survey (KOWEPS). The results are as follows: As for income structure, the low-income households had lower amounts in earned income, business and side-work income, and property income, but a higher amount in transfer income. They had a lower amount in private transfer income, but a higher amount in public transfer income. They had the highest rate of transfer income, showing that the rate of public transfer income was higher than that of private transfer income, and the government assistance was the highest rate in public transfer income. The households in extreme poverty had the lowest amounts in earned income, financial income, private transfer income, but the highest amount in public transfer income. The households in poverty had the lowest amount in transfer income. The households in extreme poverty, poverty and near poverty showed the highest rate in transfer income. As for asset structure, the low-income households had a lower amount in every type of assets. They showed the highest rate in total debt, and had a higher rate in housing asset, but lower rates in real-estate asset, financial asset and other asset. The households in extreme poverty had a lower amount in every type of assets than the households in near poverty. Three types of the low-income households showed the highest rate in housing asset, but the households in extreme poverty was the highest among them. As for expenditure structure, the low-income households had lower amounts in all of the expenditure items. They showed the highest rate in food expenditure, the second highest in other consumption expenditure. The households in extreme poverty showed lower amounts in almost all of the expenditure items than the households in near poverty, but the households in extreme poverty showed a higher amount in monthly rent than the households in neat poverty. Three types of the low-income households showed the highest rate in food expenditure. The expenditure rates of food, monthly rent and light·heat·water for households in extreme poverty were higher than those for the households in near poverty.