• Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.163-167
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• 2009

Jogwang is a new early maturing japonica rice developed in 2007 from a cross between Milyang187 and YR21113-B-B at the Department of Functional Crop Science, NICS, RDA. This cultivar is very suitable to the rice-cash crop double cropping system. Heading date of Jogwang is 2 days earlier than Keumobyeo under the late transplanting cultivation on July 10 at the Yeongnam plain. The tolerance level of this variety to leaf discoloration at seedling stage is very similar to Keumobyeo. It showed slightly lower viviparous germination and premature heading. This cultivar showed resistant reactions to leaf blast and rice stripe virus disease but susceptible to bacterial blight disease and major insect pests. The ratio of milling and head rice recovery of Jogwang is 76.5% and 64.5%, respectively. The milled kernels are translucent with non glutinous endosperm. This cultivar has 7.3% protein and 18.5% amylose content. In local adaptability test, showed that the milled rice yield of Jogwang is $4.90\;MT\;ha^{-1}$. This cultivar is suitable for planting in the plain paddy fields of Honam and Yeonnam regions in Korea.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.33-62
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• 2010

Buddhism was introduced in the Korea Peninsula 1600 years ago, and now there are over 10 million believers in Korea. The systematic Management of Temple Records has a spiritual and cultural value in a rapidly changing modern society. This study proposes a better management system of Buddhist temple records for the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. this system Not only supports transparency of religious affairs, but presents a way for a more effective management. in this study, I conducted a study on the national legislation for the preservation of buddhist temples and the local rules of religious affairs from the Jogye Order. Through this, I analyzed the problems of Buddhist records management. in the long term, to improve these problems, I purpose the establishment of temple archives be maintained by parish head offices. This study presents a retention schedule for this systematic establishment system. I present charts for the standard Buddhist records management that manage the total process systematically from the production of records to its discard. Also I present a general plan to prevent random defamation of Buddhist temple documents and impose a duty for preservation. I intend for this plan to be subject to discussion and tailored to the particular needs of temple reads. In creating these charts standard of Buddhist temple records management, I analyzed operating examples of foreign religious institutions and examined their retention periods. I also examined the retention periods and classification system from the Jogye Order. Then I presented ways for this management system to operate through computer programs. There is a need to establish a large scale management system to arrange the records of buddhist documents. We must enforce the duty of conserving records through the proposed management system. We need the system to manage even the local parish temple records through the proposed management system and the operation of the proposed archive system. This study presents research to from the basic of the preservation and the passing of traditional records to future generations. I also discovered the historical cultural and social value that these records contain. Systematically confirmed Buddhist temple records management will pave the way that these tangible and intangible cultural records handed down from history can be the cultural heritages. establishing a temple records management system will pave the way for these cultural records to be handed down to future generations as cultural heritages.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.302-311
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• 2018

BACKGROUND: Dithianon (75%) formulation were mixed and sprayed as closely as possible by normal practice on the ten farms located in the Mungeong of South Korea. Patches, cotton gloves, socks, masks, and XAD-2 resin were used for measurement of the potential exposure of dithianon on the applicators wearing standardized whole-body outer and inner dosimeter (WBD). This study has been carried out to determine the dermal and inhalation exposure to dithianon during preparation of spray suspension and application with a power sprayer on a apple orchard. METHODS AND RESULTS: A personal air monitor equipped with an air pump, IOM sampler and cassette, and glass fiber filter was used for inhalation exposure. The field studies were carried out in a apple orchard. The temperature and relative humidity were monitored with a thermometer and a hygrometer. Wind speed was measured using a pocket weather meter. All mean field fortification recoveries were between 85.1% and 99.1% in the level of 100 LOQ (limit of quantification), while the LOQ for dithianon was $0.05{\mu}g/mL$ using HPLC-DAD. The exposure to dithianon on arms of the mixer/loader (0.0794 mg) was higher than other body parts (head, hands, upper body, or legs). The exposure to dithianon on the applicator's legs (3.78 mg) was highest in the body parts. The dermal exposures for mixer/loader and applicator were 10 and 8.10 mg, respectively, from a grape orchard. The inhalation exposure during application was estimated as 0.151 mg, and the ratio of inhalation exposure was 11.2% of the dermal exposure (inner clothes). CONCLUSION: The dermal and inhalation exposure on the applicator appeared to be 4.203 mg - 25.064 mg and $0.529{\mu}g-116.241{\mu}g$, respectively. The total exposures on the agricultural applicators were at the level of 2.596 mg - 25.069 mg to dithianon during treatment for apple orchard. The TER showed 3.421 (>1) when AOEL of dithianon was used as a reference dose for the purpose of risk assessment of the mixing/loading and application.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.175-183
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• 2019

Cerebral nervous system intervention has been reported frequently due to radiation exposure such as blistering of the skin, hair loss, and erythema due to prolonged procedures. By applying ergonomically manufactured Bismuth (atomic number 83; Bi) shield to endovascular treatment of cerebral aneurysms, we aimed to minimize radiation exposure of scalp and lens from medical radiation exposure. The measurement site was the posterior part of the head, bilateral temporal part, bilateral quadriceps part, nose part, and the measuring part was attached to the optically stimulated Luminescence dosimeter (OSLD) Before and after the use, the entrance surface dose was compared and analyzed. The average entrance surface dose of group A (unshield) was 92.44 mGy, and group B was measured at 67.55 mGy. The average decrease in Group B was 26.92% compared to Group A. The entrance surface dose mean of the occipital region was measured at 146.08 mGy B group at 103.23 mGy and decreased by an average of 29.32% in group B compared to group A. The average entrance surface dose of the bilateral temporal part was measured in group A at 101.90 mGy group B at 72.69 mGy and decreased by an average of 28.67% in group B compared to group A. The average entrance surface dose for bilateral quadriceps part was measured at 27.51 mGy group B at 21.39 mGy and averaged 22.26% less in group B than group A. It is believed that the use of bismuth shields will be an alternative to reducing radiation disturbance due to temporary hair loss and other stochastic effects that may occur after the endovascular treatment of cerebral aneurysms procedure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.198-221
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• 2017

The Jjoksaem site is the eastern sector of Daereungwon Ancient Tomb Complex, Gyeongju(the 512th Historic site) called Wolseong North Burial Ground in academic community. The excavation and research of this site was conducted from 2007 to 2015, with the purpose of basic data offering for the restoration of Silla tumuli and development of ancient tomb park. As a result of the investigation, more than 700 new tombs were discovered except the 155 tumuli founded in the Japanese colonial era. Moreover, more than 70 percent of the smaller tombs, such as outer coffin tombs, were discovered here. There are four characteristics of outer coffin tombs in Jjoksaem site. First, it is recognized the Gyeongju-styled outer coffin tombs have a long rectangular shape, distinct from Gimhae-styled outer coffin tombs in a rectangular shape. Second, they are divided into three groups by the size of the grave area. This is indirectly related to the rank and the status of the buried person. Third, these tombs began to be constructed at the end of the 3rd century before the time of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. They were ruined because of the new tombs constructed at the period of Maripgan. This reflects that the identity of the former tombs was not respected by the communities in the later generations. Outer coffin tombs were consistently made to the end of the era of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. Lastly, the area of burial ground of outer coffin tombs is limited by wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and wooden mounds. Otherwise, the location of the burial ground for the deceased is limited by the status of the deceased. The idea that wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound are located on the above ground turns out to be incorrect. In Jjoksaem site, there is little difference between the height of the circular burial protection stone and the height of the digging lines of the other tombs. In the case of No.44 tumulus, the lowest step of the circular burial protection stones is lower than those of the other tombs and tumuli. Research of outer coffin tombs at Jjoksaem site will be to suggest important academic data about the changing period from Saroguk, as the head of chiefdom union, to Silla, as state.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.20-31
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• 2014

This thesis aims to how Seo Ye-won(徐禮元) who was the main character of Yukjeollyeo(六節閭) which means tangible cultural properties can receive Jeongnyeo(旌閭) and when he received it clearly. Also this thesis concentrates on why the name of 'Yukjeollyeo' was used even if there are five Jeongnyeos in the Yukjeollyeo. Lastly, this thesis also focuses on the people related to YookJeol. Seo Ye-won passed away with his family in 1593 when he acted as a head of local administration. In that time, the Jinjuseong(晉州城) battle was originated from Korea-Japan war(1592). After his death, Hoengseong(橫城) family(門中) and Confucian scholar made petition for administration in 1811. As a result Seo Ye-won and his wife Lady Lee of the Jeonju-Lee clan(全州李氏) were celebrated as the Jeongnyeo and Jeongyeogak was built in 1817. And his son(Seo Gye-seong:徐繼聖), Seo Gye-seong's wife Lady Noh of the Pungcheon-Noh clan(豊川盧氏), Seo Ye-won's daughter who were not married also could receive Jeongnyeo as Hoengseong family and confucian scholar made additional petition for administration in 1832. For these reasons, Jeongnyeogak(旌閭閣) was called 'Ojeongnyeo(五旌閭)'. After that, Miryang(密陽) family wanted to move it because Seon Ye-won is not the eldest son in the Hoengseoung family. But it could not be enforced and they made a new Yeokak(閭閣) and called 'Yukjeollyeo'. From that time to 1945, the name of Jeongnyeo in the Hoengseong had been still used 'OjeongYeo' and the signboard of Yukjeollyeo was hanged in Jeongnyeo in Hoengseong after 1945. Although there are five people who can get prize of Jeongnyeo, the reason why the name of 'YookJeol' is to memorize the loyalty of Seo Gye-cheol(徐繼哲) who was Seo Ye-won's second son. Hoengseong family made a representation to the government in order to made Seo Gye-cheol receive Jeongnyeo but he could not be celebrated. For these reasons, the loalty of Seo Gye-cheol with five people who received Jeongnyeo has been celebrated as 'YukJeol'. Through this study we could find the record of Yukjeollyeo and historic point clearly.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.62-79
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• 2019

This study examined the background of Gyeongju Seochulji Pond (world heritage, historic site No. 138), a historic pond in Sam-guk-yu-sa (三國遺事), and its landscaping period when it served as the garden of the Pungcheon Lim clan (豊川 任氏) in the middle of the Joseon dynasty. For this study, a literature review of poetry, prose, and a personal anthology, and a field survey were conducted. Changes in the landscape were analyzed by comparing the landscape appearing in the literature of the Joseon period with past photographs. The results were as follows: First, even though the function and landscape at that time cannot be guessed as the objective ground from Silla to the early part of the Joseon dynasty is insufficient, it has been managed as a Byeolseo (別墅) garden as Pungcheon Lim's family resided in the area of Eastern-Namsan Mountain during the Joseon dynasty. At that time, Seochulji Pond was recognized as a historic place. It functioned as the garden of Pungcheon Lim's family as Lim Jeok (任勣, 1612~1672) built the Yiyodang pavilion (二樂堂). Second, in the literature, the Yiyodang pavilion has been called Gaekdang (客堂), Jeongsa (精舍), Byeolgak (別閣) and Byeolseo, etc. It can be seen as Nu and Jeong (樓亭), utilized for various uses. Because of this, the name Bingheoru Pavilion (憑虛樓) has mostly been in common use. Third, Seochulji Pond was positioned where the scenery is beautiful, with Gyeongju Mt. Namsan (Mt. Geumo) in the background and with a wide field and the Namcheon River flowing in the front. This was typical of Byeolseo gardens of the Joseon dynasty, combining human environments with natural environments. Fourth, the relationship with the Byeolseo garden disappeared as the head of Pungcheon Lim's family added a temple, lotus flowers, pine trees, and a bamboo forest as described in the old poetry and prose. Currently, the landscape does not appear to be significantly different from that as development has not occurred in the area of Seochulji Pond. Also, crape myrtle (Lagerstroemia indica), which now symbolizes the Seochulji Pond, was not identified in the old poetry or past photographs and is not old enough to confirm whether it was prominent at the time. Through this study, it is necessary to reconsider the spatial meanings of the gardens of the Joseon dynasty period and not to highlight the area of Seochulji Pond as a place in the legend. This is a cultural asset in the area of Eastern-Namsan Mountain and has an important meaning in terms of garden history.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.30-39
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• 2019

In this study, 27 representative plants with symbolism and appreciation were extracted from 68 plants collected in Li Yu (1611-1680)'s monograph named 'Xianqingouji Zhongzhibu'. The interpretations were as follows. First, symbolism of plants could be summarized as 1) Li Yu thought that Paeonia suffruticosa was called 'the king of flowers', not only because of its beauty, but also because of its upright character. The only flower that could compete against Paeonia suffruticosa was Paeonia lactiflora Pall.. This flower was called 'the flower prime minister' by common people. But Li Yu thought that Paeonia lactiflora Pall. should also be included in the feudal princes. 2) Prunus persica and Camellia japonica were compared to 'beautiful cheeks', and Malus spectabilis (Ait.)Borkh, Jasminum sambac, Rosa multiflora var. platyphylla, Narcissus tazetta, Papaver rhoeas were compared to 'beautiful women', expressing his love for flowers. 3) Li Yu called Nelumbo nucifera a 'gentleman in flowers' and Buxus sinica Rehd. et Wils. Cheng a 'gentleman in trees'. On the contrary, Daphne odora was compared to 'villain in flowers'. 4) Ilex integra was compared to a hermit, and Campsis grandiflora was compared to an immortal. Second, appreciation of plants could be organized by 1) Appreciation of plants required assistive tools. When going to suburb to enjoy the scenery, tents needed to be prepared. Paper screens should be used to appreciate Prunus mume in the courtyard so as to gain more elegant. Li Yu also proposed that ornamental objects should be properly placed near Orchidaceae so as to gain more elegant. 2）Li Yu took Lagerstroemia indica and Prunus armeniaca L. as examples to interpret that plants were as perceptive as animals and human beings. 3) Li Yu took Salix pierotii and Albizia julibrissin as examples to interpret that people should communicate with plants through five senses to produce resonance. And took Nelumbo nucifera and Rosa rugosa to emphasize the ornamental and practical value of plants. 4) Plants were metaphored sth. similar to them. An interesting example was Celosia cristata L. which was more like an auspicious cloud in the sky than the crest on the cock's head. To sum up, Li Yu personified plants and thought that people should communicate with plants by multi-sensory world when appreciating plants. Through this, it fully showed his love for plants. Meanwhile, Li Yu's symbolism and appreciation of plants, to some extent, reflected the elegant life of literati in the early Qing Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.103-110
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• 2019

Recently, Korea has been affected by extreme weather events including extended summers and increased temperatures caused by global warming and climate change. Environmental temperature is especially important to the livestock industry because it is closely related to livestock productivity. This study was conducted to investigate the influence of different environmental temperatures on respiration rate, rectal temperature and body-surface temperature in finishing pigs. Pigs ($98.3{\pm}6.6kg$) were housed in individual cages inside an experimental chamber and exposed continuously to one of five environmental treatments ($22^{\circ}C$, $24^{\circ}C$, $26^{\circ}C$, $28^{\circ}C$, $30^{\circ}C$) for 10 days without providing additional rest time. Feed and water intake, respiration rate, rectal temperature and body-surface (head, ear, neck, back, side) temperature were measured two times daily during the experimental period. A significant increase in respiration rate from $26^{\circ}C$ and in body-surface temperature from $24^{\circ}C$ (p<0.05) was observed. At $30^{\circ}C$, the respiration rate had almost doubled and the body-surface temperature increased by about $5^{\circ}C-7^{\circ}C$. Moreover, ear skin temperature was very sensitive to environmental temperature. However, feed intake, water intake and rectal temperature did not change significantly during the experiment.