• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.133-143
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• 2023

The detrimental impacts of financial instability on the world economy during the financial crisis highlighted the requirement to understand the existing financial circumstances. Stability and developments in financial conditions are important for economic prosperity. This study analyses the impact of geopolitical risk on the economic conditions of some specific emerging economies using monthly data from January 1999 to September 2016 by applying a fixed-effects panel data model. The estimation results demonstrated that geopolitical risk has a significant, negative impact on financial conditions. It shows geopolitical risk could be seen as a key factor that contributes towards financial conditions. Further, it implies that negative shocks of high geopolitical risk experienced by emerging economies are one of the primary reasons for the financial conditions' deterioration. The findings provide important insights for governments, policymakers, and investors. For instance, governments and politicians should refrain from expressing or producing tension, economic discomfort, or news that is likely to increase a high geopolitical risk. Maintaining a close eye on geopolitical risk and its sources may also help to stabilize financial conditions and develop a well-functioning financial system. As a result, investors would be better informed about an economy's economic and financial conditions, allowing them to diversify their international portfolios and devise investing strategies during uncertain economic times.

• 한국항해항만학회지
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• 제47권4호
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• pp.239-245
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• 2023

본 연구는 지정학적 위기가 우리나라 항만 물동량에 미치는 영향에 대해서 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 우리나라는 무역의존도가 높은 대외의존적인 경제구조를 가지고 있으며, 수출입의 대부분이 해상운송을 통해서 이루어지고 있다. 따라서, 지정학적 위기로 인하여 세계경제에 변동이 생기면 우리나라 항만 물동량에 영향을 미칠 수 있다는 이론적 예상이 가능하다. 이에 본 연구는 1995년~2022년 기간 동안 지정학적 위기가 우리나라 항만 물동량에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지를 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 지정학적 위기가 우리나라 항만 물동량에 미치는 영향은 일부 항만을 제외하고 통계적으로 유의하지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 그러나, 지정학적 위기가 항만물동량에 미치는 영향은 수출과 수입에 따라, 그리고 항만에 따라 다른 것으로 나타났다. 특히, 지정학적 위기는 수출 물동량에 부(-)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 항만을 통한 수출입 단가에 대해서 분석한 결과, 지정학적 위기는 수입단가에 부(-)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국항해항만학회지
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• 제48권3호
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• pp.206-213
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• 2024

본 연구는 지정학적 위기와 해운기업 주식가격 변동성의 인과관계를 분석하였다. 해운산업은 국가간의 교역에 의해서 수요가 파생되는 국제성을 가지기 때문에, 여러 가지 종류의 불확실성과 리스크에 직면하고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 최근 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 및 이스라엘-하마스 전쟁 등으로 부상하고 있는 지정학적 위기가 해운산업에 미치는 영향을 분석하고자 한다. 특히, 지정학적 불확실성이 해운기업의 주식가격 변동성에 미치는 영향에 대해서 분석함으로서 이에 대한 시사점을 제공하고자 한다. 2000~2023년 기간 동안 한국거래소에 상장된 해운기업 5개사의 주식가격 변동성과 지정학적 위기 지수의 관계를 벡터자기회귀모형 기반의 인과성을 검정한 결과, 다음과 같은 결론이 도출되었다. 첫째, 지정학적 위기가 고조될수록 해운기업 주식가격의 변동성은 확대되었다. 둘째, 외교적 마찰로 인한 지정학적 위기보다는 실제 발생하는 이벤트에 의한 지정학적 위기의 영향이 통계적으로 유의하였다. 마지막으로, 지정학적 위기로 인한 주식가격 변동성의 확대는 주로 벌크부문에 나타났다.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.45-62
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• 2022

Purpose - Using unexpected changes in geopolitical tensions on the Korean peninsula as a quasi-natural experimental setting, we examine whether and how geopolitical risks travel across borders through firm-level imports and exports linkages. We also test whether the effects are driven by either imports or exports and assess whether firms can effectively hedge themselves against geopolitical risks. Design/methodology - We focus on a series of unanticipated geopolitical events taken place in Korea in 2018. Making use of the shocks to geopolitical climate, we identify five milestone events toward peace talks. We employ the event studies methodology. We examine heterogenous firm-level stock price reactions around key event dates depending on firms' exposure to geopolitical risks. As a measure of firms' exposure to geopolitical risks in Korea, we utilize a text-based measure of firm-level trade links. When a firm announces and discusses its purchase of inputs from Korea or sales of outputs to Korea in their annual disclosure filings, we define a firm to have a trade relationship with Korea and have exposure to Korean geopolitical risks. Similarly, we use a measure of a firm's hedging policies based on a firm's textual mention of the use of foreign exchange derivatives in their annual disclosure. Findings - We find that U.S. firms that have direct trade links to Korea gained significantly more value when the intensity of geopolitical risks drops compared to firms without such trade links to Korea. The effects are pronounced for firms purchasing inputs from or selling outputs to Korea. We find that the effectiveness of foreign exchange hedging against geopolitical risks is limited. Originality/value - We document the international transmission of geopolitical uncertainty through trade linkages. Export links as well as import links serve as important nexus of transmission of geopolitical risks across borders. Hedging strategies involving foreign-exchanges derivatives do not seem to insulate firms again geopolitical risks. With the recent movements of localization and reshuffling of the global value chain, our results suggest a significant impact of geopolitical risks in Korea on the construction of the global value chain.

• 무역학회지
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• 제46권3호
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• pp.119-133
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• 2021

After 'Zhou Chuchu (走出去, Go global)' in the early 2000s, and with the 'One-to-One Road' initiative in 2012, China's Overseas Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) has increased significantly, resulting in high academic interest. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of national risks of home country on China's OFDI by using data from 49 countries along the 'One-to-One Road' between 2007 and 2018, and to compare the factors of national risks that attract investment from the world. As a result of the study, market economy companies' perceptions of national risks are mostly negative, so risk acts as a deterrent to investment. On the other hand, national risks of home countries have had positive effects on China's OFDI, which would mean that Chinese investors, mostly state-owned enterprises have a high tendency to invest in regions or countries with high national risks. Other economic factors, such as the size of the investment partner country's market, GNI per capita, and trade openness, had a positive (+) effect, and natural resources had a negative (-) effect on China's OFDI. As dummy variables, FTA, which is an economic and diplomatic factor, SCO, which is a political and diplomatic factor, and bordering which is a geographical factor, were also found to have a positive (+) effect. This study implies the investment pattern of China's OFDI is due to the characteristics of China's unique geopolitical and economic system, and it is judged to be influenced by political and strategic factors, especially the aspects led by state-owned enterprises.

• 통상정보연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.213-236
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• 2017

세계무역은 지정학적 정치적 불확실성으로 보호무역 조치가 확산되었다. 우리나라는 수출비중이 높아 수출중소기업들이 성장하기 위해서는 수출시장의 다변화 노력이 필요하다. 우리나라 수출중소기업 들이 글로벌 시장 진출하기 위해서는 무역보험제도의 활용이 중요하다. 따라서 본 연구는 우리나라의 80개 수출중소기업을 대상으로 무역보험 관련 요인들이 무역대금결제위험과 수출성과에 미치는 영향관계를 검증하고 시사점을 도출하였다. 본 연구는 다음과 같은 연구결과를 얻었다. 첫째, 무역보험 서비스품질은 수출성과에 양(+)의 영향을 미쳤다. 둘째, 무역보험 활용은 무역대금결제 위험관리에 양(+)의 영향을 미쳤다. 셋째, 무역대금결제위험 관리는 수출성과에 양(+)의 영향을 미쳤다. 본 연구가 선행연구와 차별화된 내용은 무역지원기관의 서비스 품질이 수출성과에 중요하고, 무역보험 활용은 무역대금결제 위험관리가 동반될 때 수출성과에 미치는 영향을 평가하였다는 것이다. 실무적 기여도는 수출중소기업들이 무역보험 활용에 방향성을 제시하였다는데 의의가 있다.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics
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• 제26권4호
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• pp.280-295
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• 2022

This paper contains an introduction to industrial problems, solutions, and results conducted with the Korea Association of Machinery Industry. The client company commissioned the problem of upgrading the method of identifying global supply risky items. Accordingly, the factors affecting the supply and demand of imported items in the global supply chain were identified and the method of selecting risky items was studied and delivered. Through research and discussions with the client companies, it is confirmed that the most suitable factors for identifying global supply risky items are 'import size', 'import dependence', and 'trend abnormality'. The meaning of each indicator is introduced, and risky items are selected using export/import data until October 2022. Through this paper, it is expected that countries and companies will be able to identify global supply risky items in advance and prepare for risks in the new normal situation: the economic situation caused by infectious diseases such as the COVID-19 pandemic; and the export/import regulation due to geopolitical problems. The client company will include in his report, the method presented in this paper and the risky items selected by the method.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.