• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.1-50
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• 2016

This paper aims to investigate the cultural conflicts and characteristics of anti-Korean Wave discourse taken placed among Southeast Asian countries. To do this, it takes Vietnam and Indonesia as the study cases, which have been showing a trend of anti-Korean Wave discourse as well as high popularity of Hallyu. As research methods, the paper analyzes both on-line discourses of anti-Korean Wave and the email audience interviews from both countries. The results show some significant differences between the two countries as well as the similarity that Anti-Korean Wave discourses have been actively produced and disseminated through on-line media. As for Indonesia, the Anti-Korean Wave discourse pivots on the elements clashing between Indonesia's religion and cultural values and Korean consuming culture. According to the Anti-Korean Wave discourse, K-pop contents and entertainers are criticized for damaging the society's morals and cultural identities based on Islamic rules and values. Thus, the sentiment of the Anti-Korean Wave is likely to lead to the cultural nationalism for the sake of their cultural identity. As for Vietnam, anti-Korean Wave discourse mainly consists of issues on enthusiastic K-pop fans' anti-social behaviors and generational conflicts which are presumed attributed as the chief factor of the Anti-Korean Wave. In the Vietnamese discourse, social elites and adults treat the enthusiastic K-pop fans as those who are in need of educational care or psychological therapy. Unlike the Indonesian case, anti-Korean Wave discourse in Vietnam criticized the K-pop and the performer's competence for being cheap sexy and incompetence. They also denounce Korean dramas for their trite, typical story lines, use of excessive emotion, and unrealistic nature. However, the two country's interview participants have in common both acknowledged that rather than considering the Anti-Korean Wave as an issue that needs to be resolved it should be embraced as a natural cultural phenomenon.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.127-152
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• 2012

The research investigates the attitudes toward children among mothers young children and maternal grandmothers, focusing specifically on the ideal number of children, gender preference, old age security and positive and negative values of children. A total of 442 respondents, consisting of 221 young mothers (average age of 35) and 221 maternal grandmothers (average age of 63) completed a questionnaire developed by Kim, Park and Kwon (2005). The reliability of the scales ranged from Cronbach α of .78 to .91. The results are as follows. First, as for the ideal number of children, young mothers reported that they would prefer two children, while grandmothers reported that they would prefer four children. As for the ideal number of male child, young mothers reported that they would prefer that they would prefer one son, while grandmothers reported two sons. Second, as for the gender of the child, young mothers did not show a gender preference, while grandmothers stated that at least one child should be a son, especially if it is the only child. Third, grandmothers had higher expectation of old age security in their male child than young mothers but two groups did not show any difference for the female child. Fourth, as for positive values of children, young mothers were more likely to emphasize personal aspects (i.e., psychological pleasure and happiness) and family cohesiveness, while grandmothers were more likely to emphasize social aspects (i.e., continuing the family line and old age security. As for negative values of children, young mothers were more likely to emphasize personal aspects (i.e., parental role and responsibility), while grandmothers were more likely to emphasize social aspects (i.e., family conflict and relationship). Fifth, as for factors that influenced the number of children that they decided to have, young mothers were more likely to report negative values of children (i.e., financial constraints), while grandmothers were more likely to emphasize positive values of children (i.e., continuing the family line).

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.91-119
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• 2005

This study examines the perception and trust of Korean society and people among students and adults using the indigenous psychological analysis. A matched sample of 1,107 participants, consisting of 369 students, their mothers and their fathers completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The results indicate that parents more likely than adolescents to hold negative views of Korean society. Adults are more likely than adolescents to view Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism, to be insecure, to be conservative, to be corrupt, and to have social inequities. Both groups agree that Korean society is not rational nor democratic, but believe that it has the potential for progress. Second, parents are more likely to hold negative views about Korean people. Adults are more likely than adolescents of viewing Korean people as overly conscious about social face, emotional, selfish, exclusionary, and conceited. Both adolescents and their parents agree that Koreans are cooperative, full of jung (deep affection and attachment), and sincere. Third, adults are less likely to trust Korean institutions than adolescents. Adults are less likely than adolescents to trust National Assembly, political parties, and unions. Adolescents are more likely than their parents to trust family members, school friends, teachers, and government employees. These results indicate that adolescents have higher trust of Korean society and people than their parents. Fifth, the overall results indicate that both group perceive Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism and corruption. In terms of Korean people, respondents had a more balanced view of perceiving them as highly sensitive to social face and being emotional, while also perceiving them as cooperative and full of jung. The trust of Korean institutions were generally low, especially the National Assembly and political parties. However, the trust of family was very high, followed by trust of school friends and teachers. The trust of government employees was low and this was especially the case for politicians.