• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.42-49
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• 2005

To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.144-152
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• 2004

In this study, the settlement of this etiquette book and the five-class mourning-costume system throughout two dynasties is examined and analyzed.; According to the Chosun dynasty's efforts to practice Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye(朱子家禮, Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals) through legal intensification and enlightenment policies, the book's teachings had a general effect on society at large. As a result, the family system and funeral rites turned Confucian from a Shaman-Buddhist mixture. As the Confucian order was strengthened to highlight the authority of the male family head, the funeral rituals were based on Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals. So, the 100-day funeral of Koryo turned into the 3-year funeral in the Chosun dynasty. Also, the main and father's lines were valued, while the mother's and wife's lines were neglected. Even though there was no great difference of status or place between males and females in the Koryo dynasty, the settlement of Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye brought about the drop of women's status as they gradually began to be dependent on men.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.719-724
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to survey public preferences for dining space image styles depending on the types of passage rites in Korea and to determine potential differences in public preferences for dining space image styles depending on the types of passage rites in terms of various general characteristics such as gender, age, family type, and preference for the image and color styles of the dining space. As a result, this study determined the following: According to a public preference survey of dining space image styles depending on the type of passage rites, our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (27.1%) at a party for a 100-day-old baby. Additionally, our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (27.4%) when celebrating a baby's first birthday but showed the highest preference for romantic images (35.8%) when celebrating a baby girl's first birthday. Our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (21.4%) for graduation ceremonies. Our respondents showed the highest preference for classic images (21.7%) at coming-of-age ceremonies for new adult men, but also showed highest preference for elegant images (26.2%) at coming-of-age ceremonies for new adult women. Moreover, the respondents showed highest preference for classic images (41.0%) at traditional wedding ceremonies but elegant images (24.1%) at modern wedding ceremonies. In contrast, the respondents showed highest preference for classic images (31.3%) for a 60th birthday party. The highest preference for classic images (28.9%) was found for a diamond wedding ceremony. Respondents showed highest preference for classic images (30.4%) for a funeral ceremony Finally, our respondents showed highest preference for classic images (32.5%) at memorial services (religious ceremonies).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.359-386
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• 2015

To date, the study of the $jh{\bar{a}}peti$ is small. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" was found in the Gumamodo University in 2006, research has gained a new opportunity. The '연약(練若)' of "Osamyunyaksinhakbiyoung(오삼연약신학비용)" is an abbreviation of ara?ya should be unified in "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung(五衫練若新學備用)". The second volume contains the following information. Since the Buddhist ritual of ordinary people, this made according to fit the rules in accordance with the environment(隨方毗尼). Obok(五服) is called according to the meaning Osam(五衫) of dressed standard. Gamguhyodangdo is to install one incense and one lanterns to illuminate their own buddha, is where enshrines the relics(śarīra). Back to the article, which should show the face bitter and sad hearts. Over white paper it should represent an article. Posts containing the meaning of the sacrifice must necessarily meant to inform heaven as articles for the dead. Such "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of structure and contents of the second volume was reflected in "Sungmoonsanguicho(釋門喪儀抄)". "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" written intent is reflected in the prolegomena of the "Sungmoonsanguicho" it influenced $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites during the Joseon Dynasty. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of prepare after death and "Sunksiyoram(釋氏要覽)" of funeral was incorporated as "Sungmoonsanguicho". It built the $st{\bar{u}}pa$ is a symbol of tranquility achieved a kind of enlightenment. Human life ends with death, and it completed the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites in "Sungmoonsanguicho". The significance here is in. Tying the funeral and burial in one enshrine the relics will be shown on the top by the completion of life. In particular, Kankyungdogam(刊經都監) published in the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" were engraved production and dissemination. That it will have another significance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.74-91
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• 2012

This study puts its focus on Honjeon space which relatively small number of precedent studies chose as a subject of a study. The objective is to analyze Honjeon space's spatial relationship and palaces that consist Honjeon through analysis of spatial configuration and elements that affected construction of Honjeon space. The Royal Funeral, among other ceremonies of Joseon Dysnasty, carries religious characteristic along with functional and structural characteristics. By analyzing "National Five Rites", "Uigwe for the State Funeral 魂殿都監儀軌", and "Annals of Joseon Dynasty", the study organized elementary details about Honjeon space and surrounding spaces to determine the symbolism of Honjeon space's location at each palace and compared them to see if any systematical features existed between Honjeon spaces of each palace. Through this study, it was apparent the king mainly used Jaseongdang Hall of Gyeongbokgung in the early period of Joseon Dynasty and he mainly used Sunjeongjun of Changdeokgung while the queen used Munjeongjun of Changgyeonggung as the time reached the later period of Joseon Dynasty. Also in determination of Honjeon space, the study found that there were records of avoiding Pyeonjeon space in need for political space. The study also determined that places other than Pyeonjeon space was intended to be used for Honjeon space through the analysis which indicates that spaces that were initially used as Pyeonjun in the early Joseon Dynasty and simultaneously as Honjeon space were moved due to changes made in terms of theirs usages. Through the study, it could be also known that primary spaces of Honjeon was composed accordingly to "National Five Rites" and constant pattern of spaces existed among buildings near Honjeon which were arranged according to each palace's characteristic.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.29-42
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• 1997

Our ancestors had done their best for the moral training and home management, further more for the governing a country through observing the decorums. The 4 main decorums, i. e. the Coming-of-Age Ceremony, Wedding Ceremony, Funeral Rites and the Ancestor worship Ceremony during the Chosun Dynasty had guided well our ancestors'life harmoiously. The Wedding Ceremonies of them was one of the most happy events in their lives meaningful of the filial piety and the union of two families. The Wedding ceremonies consist of the 6 etiquetes, i. e., Eui-Hon (matchmaking), N뮤-Chae (present), Nab-Pye(bride's presents to her parents-in-law), Chung-Gi(ask the other part about an auspicious day), Moon-Myung(choice of an auspicious day), Chin-Young(take and meet a bride) in order of sequence. Chin-Young consists of Cho-Hon, Sa-Dang-Go-Woo, Sung-Bok, Cho-Rye, Boo-Myung-Ji & Mo-Song, Jun-An-Rye, Hab-Geun-Rye, Sin-Bang-Chi-Reu-Gi, Hyun-Goo-Rye, Myo-Hyun and Jae-Haeng ete, considerably complicated programs in order.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.16
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• pp.265-304
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• 2003

장례의식은 불교에서 가장 중요한 정기적인 의식들 중에 하나이다. 이러한 의식은 수도자나 죽은 사람들을 위해서 행해지고 있다. 그렇다고 장례의식의 목적이 죽은 사람들만을 위한 것이 아니라 근원적으로는 'saṃsāra'의 윤회로부터 완전한 해방을 구하는 모습을 의미한다. 티벳불교에서의 죽음은 두 가지를 의미를 인식한다. 하나는 열반으로 입적하는 것으로 다섯 가지에 완전히 융해되는 것을 뜻한다. 이러한 죽음은 더 이상의 '태어남'이 없다. 열반의 경지는 카르마 안에서 융해 되거나 평화를 얻은 경지인 것이다. 또 하나의 죽음은 카르마의 법칙에 의해서 통제 되거나 하나의 영혼이 열반 안으로 들어가기 전까지 순환적인 주기 안에서 지속적으로 반복되는 것이다. 카르마는 불교의 관례를 통해서 카르마의 힘은 없어질 수 있다고 할지라도 근본적으로 외부적인 간섭을 수행하지는 않는다. 즉 불교의 이념들은 각자의 노력을 통해 해방을 얻는 것을 가르치고 있다. 하지만 카르마의 경로가 식별하기 어려워 제의식의 효과나 수행의식을 통해 알아 볼 수밖에 없다. 여기서는 티벳불교에서 죽은 후의 몸을 적절히 배치하는 방법을 얻는 제의식이나 축제에 관심을 갖는 것이 아니라 이를 통한 실질적이고 복합적인 힘, 그리고 카르마적 흐름을 바꾸거나 심지어 없애버릴 수 있는 의식에 관심을 갖고자 한다.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.648-659
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• 2000

Through this study I would like to examine the meaning system of the symbolized codes related with real costume figures of the abstract concept of the style of the mourning ceremonial dress in Chosun Dynasty as a variable cause of communication through non-language method by the structural analysis of coding of the ceremonial dress style and the meaning system of the codes centering on the traditional book of funeral etiquette dealing with hueneral cereony in the period. To achieve this purpose, I have used the symbolic theory of constructive concept by F. de Saussure, cultural notation theory of Roland Barthes & Umberto Eco, and structural style of costumes by Myung-Sook Han. The result of the study is as follows. 1. As Chosun Dynasty was a society in which people considered courtesy so much important and practiced the basic Confucian ideas of the three bonds and five moral disciplines in human relations, the characteristic of funeral rites in Chosun Dynasty consists in expression of the thoughts of moral ethics & relative systems and systems of clan rules, etc which was a langue determining the symbols of mourning ceremony dress because the mourning ceremony dress in the period should have the feature of a langue. The mourning ceremonial dresses in the period had five grades of the consume and the grades were determined to be classified into five levels according to the clan system of the chief mourner with sang, ha bang. And the method of the association of the mourning ceremonial dress codes had the six principles of Chinchin, Jonjon, Myoungboon, Chulip, Changyu, and Jongbok. 2. Regarding the mourning ceremonial costumes in Korean society, the meaning of funeral ceremony was expressed by the signifier and materials of the mourning costumes in the society. During the process of the funeral, the intangible feeling of condolence was the expression of mourning and the tangible mourning ceremonial dress was the signal with the lamentation meaning. Especially, characters and patterns were removed from the mourning ceremonial dresses in spite of their function of symbols and the styles of costumes were emphasized. Especially the meaning of condolences was symbolized by attachment of some small pieces of cloth on the upper garments. Hemp was mainly emphasized to be the material of the costumes and some different meanings showed according to the quality of the material hemp. The mourning ceremonial dresses were distinguished from ordinary dresses, which were emphasized because they gad some symbolic meaning of the mourning. 3. Considering the association of the synthetic relations of the costumes from the viewpoint that the mourning ceremonial dresses would be classified according to a system, the symbolization of them were avaliable by sex according to how to combine them and there were no distinction between social classes in the society.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.115-127
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• 1990

The Korean have admired and lived with decorums through Jeol, a representative practical formality which expresses the decorums intensively. Jeol is the way of greeting native to Korea and an intangible culture close to Korean life style. To be remained as a culture, the traditional propriety Jeol should reconcile to the present life feflecting our history. On this viewpoint, the purpose of this research is to furnish the authority of the creative inheritance on the settlement of Jeol and other decorums suitable to the present. This research is consisted of 1) the study of the meaning of Jeol and 2) the hidtorical research through records. 'Jurye' is regarded as the oldest literature on the systematic explanation about Jeol and has been very often used down the ages. Jindong in 'Jurye' and Kodu in 'Karyejipram' are the same Jeol which expresses the grief in funeral rites. In 'Seonghosaseol', Abae which stands one knee is explained and investigated as the case of offense by the literature. And it is also interpreated as a Jeol with respect, while many other Jeol is to fall an both of kness, Abae is not performed generally. 'Yeki' has brief explanation about Kongsu Manner (to hold hands), Jeol between the king and minister, host and guest, Buinbae, Jeol in custom, wedding ceremony and funeral ceremony and Jeol in drinking manner. In 'Chunchukongyangjeon'. there is the explanation about Jeol of the minister who comes back after his duty to the king. 'Sunjajiphae' interprets Bae and Kyesang and informs that Kuesu is the most respectful Jeol only to the king, 'Seojeon' proves the Jeol habitually used in all kinds of ceremonies and etiquettes. 'Jeongbomunheonbigo' introduces the custom of Jeol in Shilla, Koguryo, Buyeo, Koryo eras by using literature and shows the commoness of both kneeling down generally. The result of this research has the meaning for the creation of life culture in the basis of the spirit 'Onkojisin'(reviewing the old and learning the new) by establishing the present Jeol with tradition.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.177-197
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• 2015

This study found that La hija del mar (1859) by Rosalía de Castro describes, as the background to the work, the lives of Galicians, along with the movement of the sea, scenes of the coast, storms, and lively plants in Muxía, a small city of Galicia and Cabo de Finisterre. It was shown that the nature of Galicia, as described in the work, is a beautiful site where fishermen and farmers live among the full aroma of plants and flowers, as well as being a subject of fear to the people there. Furthermore, it was also shown through the funeral process, along with a depiction of the natural environment, the unique place of Galicia is part of the traditional heritage that the Galician people have preserved, in which Roman Catholic rituals are mixed with superstitious rites. Moreover, the author shows through a description of the excessive drinking culture of Dionysian rites or Libation rites that Galicia is a land with longstanding and profound folk customs, as well as a special culture. It was proved that the work is a specific representation of the author's perspective. Thus, Rosalía depicts the lives of people and the natural environment, which have not been examined profoundly, although they always existed in Galicia. This provides space where the external reality of Galicia and part of the identity of Galicia can be elucidated.