• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.204-221
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• 2021

The morning ritual was a rite whereby a morning audience with the emperor was held for feudal lords sovereigns and subjects living in the precincts, monarchs or foreign envoys of the outskirts of the capital, and other ethnic group. Distinction between the main and subordinate rituals, changes in the ceremony according to the times, and the position or rank of those participating in the rite, were factors that directly affected the costumes worn for ritual. Accordingly, in this paper, the costumes worn by members of the Ming dynasty (emperor, prince imperial, prince) were examined in terms of the period and detailed ceremonies with a focus on the morning ritual and costume systems presented in the official historical records. Through this study, only Mian-fu (冕服) and Pi-bian-fu (皮弁服) were defined by the costume system ase costumes worn in the morning ritual. However, through comparative analysis with the morning ritual system, it was confirmed that Tongtian-guan-fu (通天冠服), Yishan-guan-fu (翼善冠服), and Bianfu (便服: slightly casual wear) were also worn. It is worth noting that the color of Gunlong-pao (袞龍袍) was differentiated according to status; the Emperor wore yellow, the Prince Imperial and lower levels wore red, which was the traditional perception of academia. However, following confirmation of the custom costume for the morning ritual, it was confirmed that the color of this differentiation appeared during the 3rd year of Emperor Yongle of Ming (1305). Previously five traditional colors (blue, red, yellow, white, and black) were used for the season.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.287-311
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• 2018

This research identifies an educational ideal, purpose of goal intrinsic to Hindu ashrama and provide a concrete list of appropriate educational contents and methods in accordance with them. The ideal is moksa a pursuit of spiritual liberation. The goal is to be consciously aware of and practice the Dharma at each of the four stages of life, as preserved in ashrama, by completing the educational contents and methods in each stage. In the fist stage, the student stage, the goal is to learn social laws, recognize his vocation and responsibilities through studying Veda, and engage in apprenticeship with the teacher. In the second stage, the householder stage, the goal is to get married, take care of his family, and produce the kinds of service the society requires of him. In order to do so, he is expected to learn in his ordinary life the manners for family members and the ways of ancestral rituals. In the third stage, the self-disciplined stage, the goal is to retire from social responsibilities, behave in accordance with norms and rules, and set oneself free from material desire. In order to do so, he is expected to complete the eight stage of yoga and practice asceticism. In the four stage, the nirvana stage, the goal is to completely free from obsession and reaches the spiritual liberation. In order to do so, one is expected to participate in meditation and pilgrimage to the Holy Land until he reaches the final point.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.98 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2009

From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.61-80
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• 2011

This study estimated the prototype of Yangjindang at the time of its foundation by putting together the literature and discovered data and historical research on family related to Sangju Yangjindang, and looked at its architectural characteristics. These are summarized as follows: First, Yangjindang is an office building which was completed in three years [1629] after its start of construction when Keomgan Jojeong was at the age of 72 [1626] in his latter days and it was used for performing ancestral rites for Jojeong's forefathers of the head family of Pungyang Jo by family origin. Yangjindang was founded as a base of utopia for putting ancestral rites & commemoration, harmoniousness of a tribe, and educational idea into practice together with Ojakdang. Such a movement can be judged to interpret and apply the circumstances of the times realistically and flexibly where they tried to pursue the promotion of Confucianism & studies of the proprieties as well as the consciousness of practice, and to bring a tribe into harmony after the war through the retirement of Toegye School. Second, it is located at a topographically ideal spot on the edge of the Jangcheon-a tributary of Nakdong with a good physiology and landscape and its location was also the lot for a house of Jojeong's ancestor, which was burned down by war. Behind such a location and planning of Yangjindang, it is presumed, though not certain that it was modelled after Naeap village at Andong- Jojeong's parents-in-low's home. Third, as for its foundation size, it's a head house as much as about more than 100-kan, and its structure is composed of Samyo, Bonche, and Yangjindang. In addition, arrangements of buildings and its composition system and renovation procedures followed Chu-tzu Garyoe. Composition of Samyo can be restored to Yangjindang, Jugo, Woesammun, and Samyo; however, there has been no case of existence in case of Jugo building composition & arrangement takes on an aspect of a compromise between Gamyojido and Sandangjido of Garoe, which seems to be the result from flexibly interpreting and applying the rituals and studies of the proprieties of Toegye School in keeping with locational topography and realistic circumstances while making it a principle for them to observe by Toegye School. There exists a difference between Bonche and its counterpart of the upper class housing at Sangju district in that Bonche[main building] is a squre-shaped 'Ttuljip' typical of Andong setting a family ancestral ritual as a main function. Fourth, there existed a lot of hardships in raising money to cover repairs in time of doing repairs to this structure after 180 years since its establishment. In case of the repair work on Bonche, the level of renovation was limited to the replacement of old materials for rafters, doorpost, roof members and railings with new materials, together with partial alterations in case of window system. It is estimated that Yangjindang was renovated in 1808, and afterwards it was renamed Okryujeong after being re-built at another site. Through the repairs, the floor was expanded for the clan's meeting, and angle rafters and roof members were mended as well. Especially, the plane and structure of Okryujeong which was re-built at another site are expected to give clues to its restoration due to the resemblance to original appearance of Yangjindang at the time of its renovation in 1808.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.319-348
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• 2014

This paper examines the centered on the Ritualized of Royal archery as a national event led to the demonstration of military rites was settled during the early Chosun Dynasty. And aims at considering of traditional of archery a Royal family and high position military people's. It was maintained as an system for both stability of royal family and centralization of government authority. As we know, since ancient times, the performance number of shooting arrows had been reduced in the early Chosun Dynasty. And one more reason is, traditionally Royal family liked shooting archery. For example, King Taejong was very openly shooting archery to inside palace and outside field. He says the archery is a principal element of military persons. Anyhow, to the King Jungjong, many Kings played shooting archery. However, at that time, the Royal archery came from ancient Korea and Kingdom of Koryo. In this historical background, Military rites will be established not just from ancient China. It specially called five manner of rituals. However, the rule of Confucianism to be Government police, archery ritual was declined. It's involved Curriculum of education. And this is related to the who got the new group of government authority. They are young confucianist. From there, the Confucianism manners, were to change of traditional of archery in Early Chosun Dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.223-243
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• 2013

Value collision takes place in the news organization at times. The concept of social responsibility has been serving as the raison d'$\hat{e}$tre not just of individual reporters but eventually of journalism in general. But when the organizational interests are at stake, more realistic values contributing to the organization often override the normative values. This phenomenon occurs since there exists a clear discrepancy between the nominally highlighted values and the virtual values of press owner or news organization. Focusing on Chosun Ilbo, this paper tries to identify the values a news organization really underlines and pursues, and explores the nature of organizational culture embedded in these values. In specific, this study analyzes such performances as ceremonies and rituals, regular or occasional, in Chosun Ilbo, since these are cultural practices which produce and circulate particular meanings and values forming the basis of organizational culture. According to this study, 'strong unity' is the core value which the owner family in Chosun Ilbo has ever been spotlighting. As long as the strong unity is stressed, the role playing as members of news organization for its interest is more highly regarded than carrying out the normative missions given unto the journalists in general.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.61-72
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• 2001

Chunghahk-dong is located in a retired spot, Jiri Mountain and has been built up its won religion and culture without any exchange outside world. People in Chunghahk-dong believe in a religion called Genjungyutaosim. Forming a trinity on which mind is Taoism, body is Buddhism, and behavior is confucianism. These are the principle elements to form a village. They made their own unique cultural factor such as longhaired boys and girls, wearing traditional cloths and hat, a monastic life, folk mores and family rituals, and private school system. This shows a great deal of affection on their life style and organization and is closely connected with community and culture. Grasping a culture and behavior on clothing, it has propose to understand Chunghahk-dong properly according to this study. A method of study has a purpose to understand culture and clothing behavior precisely in Chunghahk-dong. I inquire ito clothing behavior with investigation and study of picture script. The results are as followed; People in Chunghahk-dong show unique clothing and hair style behavior based on Genjungyutao. First, men and women wear a white cloth called HanBok(Korean costume) and footwear made of rubber. Only men wear a blue vest. A grown up men wear a long coat when they go out. They are dressed in tractional cloth for a ceremonial occasion. The reason why they put on the HanBok(Korean costume) is a belief on our traditional cloth becomes a standard dress in the future. They believe Korea becomes a standard dress in the future. They believe Korea becomes a standard dress in the future. They believe Korea become a leading country in the world. This clothing behavior is symbol of Genjungyutao and has a role of delivery system for expressing their split. Second, In sign of being a Genjungyutao men, they let their grow hair. Cutting hair is not to be a Genjungyutao men any more. There is few reason that people in Chunghahk-dong let grow their hair : First, because of importance in TanGun's ideology, they believe Korea is a first nation in the world and can't cut their hair which has grown from TanGun (The founding father of the Koran nation) Chosun traditionally. Second, Cutting their hair runs counter to the principle of nature. Third, They value their body for confucianism. They don't want to damage their body because of body from their parents. Boys and girls braid and tie up their hair and adult tie a topknot and a chignon. Wearing a YouGun(A horsehair skullcap) at home and Kat(A Korean top hat) when going out, they express as a Genjungyutao. Hemp cloth and synthetic fibers are main clothes. Also, they wear an improved HanBok(Korean costume) these days on influence outside.