• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.203-209
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• 1974

This study is intended to comparison of the recent ideal number of children and atrial approach for analyzing value system for children that form attitude affecting birth control with earlier study conducted 10 years ago. In general the traditional fertility pattern of Korea may be considered as 'early marriage and high fertility' backed by the confucian value system of a farming-oriented country. A selective attitude favoring sons contributes substantially to fertility. But Korea is now moving toward a late marriage and fertility pattern. This has been due to the repid introduction of western culture and a partial acceptance of western value systems, a relative weakening of traditional value systems, a gradual increase in infant and child servival rates thresh medicines, and a desire to avoid having too many children because of economic poverty. This study showed following results: Ideal number of sons and daughters in urban area was decreased by 0.2 respectively compared to earlier study. In rural area, the number of decrease of sons and daughters was 0.5 and 0.2 respectively. The conception concerning Happiness has changed to wealth from health in previous opinion. Regarding attitude toward having sons, 98 percent of them wanted to have sons positively, moreover 10 percent of them wanted two or more sons. Regarding reasons for the wanting sons, we see that economic and traditional considerations, such as dependance in old age, and inheritance of the family line, are a principle concern of about 56 percent in both areas. The rate of dependence in old age was decreased conspicuously compare to previous study while the rate of helding rituals was increased remarkably in rural area. Among reasons for limiting family size. 'for better living and for better education for their children were main rasons reted 46 percent in urban, 51 percent in rural areas. The rates were not changed compare to previous study. Regarding attitude of those who have no son or children, the rate of re-marriage with second wife was decreased remarkably in rural area and the rate of living without special behaivor for having son was increased compare to previous study.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.133-143
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• 1999

Originally, ancestral rites is a ceremony to pay filial piety to ancestors continuously even though they died, and this is a startingpoint based on the thought of paying respect to ancestors and 'root consciousness' which Korean people have. In the earliest days, Korean people worshipped nature and the sacrificial rituals were performed mainly for the fods of the skies and the earth. After the end-Koryeo Era introduced [Juja-Garye]ancestrial rites of forefather in home generalized. By the way, the foods for ancestrial rites on the original literature centering the [Sa-Rye-Pyon-Ram]are as follows: raw meat(saeng: 牲), rice and broth(ban, gaeng: 飯羹), fruits(果), slice meats(po: 脯), salted dry fish(jaban(佐飯), rice punch(sikhye: 食醯), soup(tang: 湯), fish and meat, roasts beef (jeok: 炙), roast vegetable(sookchae: 熟菜), rice cake(pyon: 餠), noodles(麵), soy(醬), Kimchi(沈菜), drink(酒), green tea(cha: 茶) etc. Today, ancestral rites, basically with this conception, has a function to bind the family and relatives as one. But as double income family are increasing, most housewives have heavy burden mentally and financially to prepare the food for the ancestral. The foods for ancestral rites can be said a way to express the internal true heart, and a basic medium to practice the filial piety. Many documents let us know that a few days before the ancestral rites, we should prepare the food for it with careful and pious attitude. And, they stress that our sincere attitude in preparing food is important rather than its quantity. In this industrial society, we have lots of difficulty preparing and observing the same service as it in the traditional socity. But I think that housewives can be freed from the burden they have to some degree when they realize what the true meaning of ancestral rites is and that the food for it plays a role an external expression.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.301-316
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• 2004

In this study, 2,238 incidents from History of the Three States, Prehistory of the Three States, History of Koryo, True Records of Chosun Dynasty had been analyzed in order to examine the bathing styles of Koreans. The results were as follows. In the period of Three States, baths were taken for the purposes of cleanness, remedy, and beauty culture as well as etiquettes. And spa, rainwater, rivers, streams, and bath tubs were used. In the period of Koryo, it included not only reasons for etiquettes as in the period of the Three States but also reasons for medical care and daily life. In spa, temples, and homes, baths were taken by using perfumes and towels. In Chosun Dynasty, daily baths were for hygiene, health, and bodily charms. Before religious ceremonies, they made sure that they took baths, and spa baths were popular for the medical care. The ways to take baths included the order which area was the first to be washed, time, and areas concretely, and seasons, weather, and conditions of body were considered before taking baths. Moreover, the places included natural places such as streams, reservoirs, rivers, as well as artificial places such as temples, places for envoys, and palaces. Especially, in spa areas, bathing buildings were constructed. Considering all these, baths were taken for the purposes of ceremonies and medical care in the period of the Three States, and daily baths took down their roots in the period of Koryo. In the period of Chosun Dynasty, spa baths for cures, prays and rituals, hygiene and bodily charms were considered as a reason. How to take baths and means were decided carefully. Therefore, the results above demonstrated that baths took down their roots in people's daily life in Korea since the period of Koryo.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.94-135
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• 2000

Rituals for burying the tae(胎) is a unique royal tradition of Korea that lasted from Unified Shilla(統一新羅) Kingdom to Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty. However, all of the currently known taesil(胎室)s are of the royal descendants of Joseon dynasty. Therefore, Taesils made earlier than Joseon dynasty are only known by historical documents. Taesils of the royal descendants of Joseon Dynasty divide into two kinds. One is for those of princes and princesses and the other is for those of Kings. The structure of taesils of princes and princesses is a stone chest(石函) in a pit which dug on the apex of the Taebong(胎峰) containing a pair of Tae(胎)-urn(the inner urn and outer urn), a stone tablet called Jiseok(誌石) which the date of baby's birth and Tae burial is inscribed in. And a tombstone-shaped stone tablet which called Taesilbi(胎室碑) was built on the ground. And the underground structure of Taesils of Kings is identical with that of taesils of princes and princesses, but instead of just an stone tablet, this has a Budo(浮屠);means stupa of a monk in korean)-shaped stone structure on the top of the stone chest, and an octagon-shaped porch was built around it, and a Tapbi(塔碑) was built. This treatise is focused on the current status and change process of stone ornaments. The subject of this treatise is 54 Taesils which were transferred to Seosamnung(西三陵) during the japanese occupation and Tae-urns and Jiseok(誌石)s from any other Taesil and its stone chest were not included in this treatise. Researches on Taesils can be great help to history by providing resources about genealogy of Jaseon royal family and social, economical status of that time. And researches on stone ornaments and tae-urns from Taesils can provide great help to stone art history and porcelain history of Joseon dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.67-86
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• 2007

Choseon Dynasty, from many aspects, saw the institutional establishment of its royal palaces in the 17th and 18th century, with 'donggwol (east palace)' as the most representative form in the era. In that period, palaces were managed in the best way that fits the royal etiquette and order to maintain the Confucian framework of the times. While the royal palace was the place for the king to conduct state affairs, it was also a compound for the royal family to lead a life in. Since the royal family was also based on the Confucian system, women in the royal palace seldom revealed their existence to outside world. Yet daebi,(a Queen Mother) who was often called 'dongjo,' enjoyed the highest level of honor not only as a member of the royal family but in the hierarchical order of the dynasty. As they often engaged themselves in political affairs, daebi raised their reputation through rites and rituals. So, in the 16th century, they largely used Changgyeong-gung palace in the eastern part of the royal compound since they sometimes had to go out of the royal residence. While it was called 'dongjo' because it was seated in the eastern part, it was also used as a word symbolizing daebi. And, therefore, it has become a general principle of royal palaces to build the palace for daebi in the eastern wing of the compound. However, the residence for daebi was not always built in the eastern part in the 17th and 18th century and, instead, edifices for daebi were sometimes erected in several points within the royal compound. Beside, daebi's residence in this period had additional spaces for ceremonies since they had a number of official events there. Construction of daebi's residences in this era was not confined to the symbolic institutions and they became the peculiar palaces with specific characteristics for official ceremonies of the queen mothers. Consequently, it could be said that the architectural style of dongjo, which was the place of the supreme female in the hierarchical order, stemmed from donggwol where daebi spent the longest time of the royal life.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.222-239
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• 2019

This paper studied Joseon royal incense, Buyonghyang, focusing on the case of Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe. Incense was introduced to Korea in the period of the Three States with Buddhist cultures. Buyonghyang is an incense that represented the royal family and was used in various rituals. Civilians also burned this incense in front of a bride's palanquin at a wedding ceremony. Buyonghyang had various uses-ceremonial uses, as a fragrance, to mothproof, and medical uses. Buyonghyang is a combined incense with ten different ingredients. This study tracked the supply and demand of the incense ingredients through Takjijunjeol, Sejong Shilok Jiriji, and The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty. This paper identified properties of the ingredients and studied recipes using ancient medical books-Jejungshinpyeon, Donguibogam, etc. Then the cooperation and treatment of incense by craftsman were examined using the records of The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, and Seungjeongwon Ilgi. The significance of Buyonghyang during the Joseon dynasty was studied by examining its use at a royal wedding ceremony. This study considered Sunjo's wedding ceremony based on Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe which is highly regarded as a well-organized system compared to other Uigwe. Buronghyang was burned during all of the ceremonies which took place in the palace. Conversely, it is considered that Buyonghyang was burned only during the Bisuchekui ceremony (investiture), which took place in the bride's place, according to the record of the mobilization of court ladies for various incense burners for the Bisuchekui ceremony. Since the incense was able to be used only after Bisuchekui, it is considered that only the royal family could use the incense, and it was a symbolic incense of the Joseon Royal Family.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.57
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• pp.157-194
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• 2001

Taeshil means the facility where tae is buried through appropriate rituals and procedures when a descendant of royal family is born. Tae has been taken care of very carefully from old times being considered as lifeline and origin of the owner. Especially,

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.73-82
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• 2003

In the early years of the Koryo dynasty(877~1392), the grain production was encouraged and the consumption of meat was abstained because of the Buddhism. Therefore, desserts including rice cos and cookies and teas were prevalent. Specially, the cooking skill of the desserts was highly developed because the desserts were the requisite of offered in Buddhist service and national ceremonies. Also, the king took the lead in abstaining to eat meat. According to $\boxDr$Koryodokyung$\boxUl$ , People in the early Years of the Koryo dynasty were unskilled to slaughter for serving meat to the envoy from China. Most ceremonies in Koryo dynasty were held fur retainers by king and the ceremonies held to celebrate the coronation, birth of the royal grandchildren, and royal birthday, and to treat the envoys and merchants from China(Song dynasty) and Tamra kingdom. The ceremonies were continuously held from the early year to the later year of Koryo dynasty. The aristocracy of the Koryo dynasty often held the extravagant ceremonies and drank liquor a lot in the ceremony and offered the extravagant foods such as oil-and-honey pastry and milk, which caused the national problem later. The royal religious ceremonies held often in the Koryo dynasty were ancestor worship ceremony, tea ceremony, lotus lantern ceremony, Palgwanhoe, etc. In Koryo dynasty, there were several government offices that took charge of royal dietary culture as follows: 1. Yomulgo (料物庫) - government office supplied with provisions 2. Sasunseo(司謄署) - government office that took charge of various kinds of side dishes 3. Saonseo(司酪署) - government office that took charge of wine and liquor 4. Naejangtaek(內莊宅) - government office managed paddy fields and dry fields owned by royal family 5. Sangsikguk(尙食局) - government office same as Sasunseo that took charge of various kinds of side dishes, the name changed to Sasunseo later 6. Sungwanseo (謄官署) - government office that took charge of foods for various religious services and ceremonies 7. Naewonseo (內園署) - government office that took charge of the garden