• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.169-211
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• 2004

As for the "Guang-Xi(廣西)", "Dong-Shan(東山)", "Yao-Ju(瑤族)", folklore culture to achieve the substratum (New Year manners and customs, a passage rites, folk belief, dwelling folklore, agriculture and a farming machine) generally very received an influence of "Han-zu(漢族)" for the reason that an interchange was active early with "Han-zu(漢族)". However, a traditional form of "Yao-Ju(瑤族)" is covered the base with. Even if it is a national holiday commemorateing the birth of the "Pan-Gu(盤古)" which is ancestors of all "Yao-zu(瑤族)" during New Year manners and customs, songs as "ku-jia(哭嫁)" consisting at the time of marriage during a lot of ritual, "zhaoxu-hun (招婿婚)" and the "liangtou-che(兩頭扯)" marriages which are a classic marriage of "Yao-zu(瑤族)", a ritual format, master "Shi-Gong(師公)" of faith of "Yao-zu(瑤族)" are. Also, a difference is in dwelling folklore related to construction or this very much in "Han-zu(漢族)" and the various sides. It is the part where toilets to use are quite different from the Korean race in a tool, the outside written with the dwelling formal characteristics that are structure, "the ceremony of putting up the ridge beam" in, for example, two folds. Agriculture and a farming machine are basically similar to it of the Korean race, but it is a degree with some transformation by environment and the local cause.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.22-32
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• 2021

The Seonwonjeon(璿源殿) in the Deoksugung Palace was initially the ritual space for the royal family affiliated with the Gyeongungung Palace during the Korean Empire. It is currently, however, empty, as a landscape restoration and maintenance plan is established as a part of the restoration project for the Seonwonjeon area. The following results were obtained through the historical investigation of the original form and examination of similar cases. First, the original topography of the backside grove, which had been in the Seonwonjeon area, is 3.0-5.0m higher than the base of the building, and a terraced flower bed(花階) was installed on the border of the green to set off the difference in a scenic way. Second, the backside grove was composed with fruit trees to bear fruits used in rites and pine trees which symbolize the ritual space. Third, resting places were established at both ends of the site for the convenience of visitors without interrupting the atmosphere of the sacred ground. A trail was also created inside the backside grove along with minimum landscape elements, including functionally required items, such as the signboard, bench, tree guard, ramp, street lights, and landscaping lights. Fourth, the information on original planting in the palace and ritual space was extracted through historical materials, such as literatures, antique paintings, and photographs along with site surveys. Based on the information acquired, a planting plan was established for the courtyard, pedestrian road, resting places, terraced flower bed, pine grove, and fruit tree garden, which constitute the landscaping space of the Seonwonjeon area.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.72-85
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• 2009

This study attempts to examine the principles of landscape composition for a 'Suhwon(書院)' and the meaning and value of its traditional landscape architecture, in order to apply the results to the design of modern landscape architecture. A 'Suhwon' is a vital space containing the form and meaning of human activity. This study analyzes the characteristics of landscape composition in the construction of the Namgea Suhwon, located in Hamyang, by examining the form and meaning of its area and composition. The Namgea Suhwon was constructed with a suitable configuration and harmony in a good location, neither field nor mountain, and which encompasses transcendence and a return after passage through a period of birth and abundance. Its appearance means 'life existence and hidden death(生居死幽)'. Its spatial system is a reflection of the idea of Samshinoje(三神五帝: The three abilities of Providence and its five subjects) connected with Ilsangje -Samshin -Ohje. It was built based on the idea of Biryebudong(非禮不動) meaning that one should follow only good decorum and avoid discourtesy, complying with "the frame of decorum" developed by the family rites of Chu Hsi. The environmental design of the Namgea Suhwon was interrupted by the material confrontation between mountains and water and a binary code system, such as front to rear, length to breadth, and movement to stillness. The design did not adhere to stiff axes, but pursued the harmonic principles of asymmetric balance in the building and the yard, which are very naturalistic. The name 'Namgea Suhwon' is closely related with the view of placement(置) and harmony(和), which are unified with the function and meaning formed by connecting Sung Confucianism with the Pungsu-Sasinsa structure in the layout of the grounds. When examining the D/H ratio of the building and yard, it can be seen that the spaces of Ganghak, Yusang and Jehyang were built appropriately, according to the natural characteristics of each space, such as a sense of openness, enclosure, tension, relief, enhancement, and hierarchical order. The spaces also reflect human scale concepts that take advantage of auditory features. The transition process after the construction of 'Namgea Suhwon' reveals the intentions of the builder to create an ecological landscape composition based on Placement and Harmony. Placement embodies' a purposeful space in which nature and the building are connected naturally, 'incomplete open space pursuing completion', and 'potential beauty in which tension and relaxation are repeated'. Harmony embodies 'order and continuity having a sense of unity with the natural environment' and the 'sharing of daily life and memory'. 'Namgea Suhwon' contains many ideas for landscape planning, land use and the design of a campus environment.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.315-353
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• 2017

This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.231-262
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• 2016

The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.85-110
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• 2022

This study investigates the production and use, development of Buncheongsagisang-gamunryongmunho, focusing on Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) in the early the Joseon Dynasty. The Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) which is the size of a large bottle as high as 50cm is a form of stability to have gorgeous decorativeness with the inlaid and stamped pattern. The Buncheongsagisanggamunryongmunho is the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) used for Flower Vessels(花樽) at Royal Ritual in King Sejong(世宗) era. In the 1420s and 1430s, made in Premium ceramic factory of Sangju-mok, it is Blue and white porcelain in reference to dragon and cloud patterns in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties in aspects of shapes and patterns, to the inlaid Celadon in the period of Late Goryeo Dynasty in aspects of patterns, and to Joseon porcelain in aspects of shapes and decoration techniques. The Joseon Royal family found out the appropriateness of the founding of the dynasty and the base for the system of civilization from Ming dynasty, to follow Ming dynasty by choosing white porcelains as the King's vessel. Jars passed down from Emperor Ming served as a standard for Royal Ritual Jars, to use Blue and White Porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns as Flower Vessels(花樽) and Liquor Vessels(酒樽) for ages. Consequently, the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) as Royal Ritual Jar had been used till 1430's when Blue and white porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(靑花雲龍白磁酒海) was passed down from Emperor Ming, Xuande Emperor(宣德帝), only to lose its Meaning and Use as the Royal Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) during the early Joseon Period gradually.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.6
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• pp.35-50
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• 2024

"Culture refers to the behavioral and lifestyle patterns that a society has shared and transmitted within the community over a long period. Ginseng, frequently encountered in the daily life of Koreans through tools, crafts, folklore, and poetry, holds a deep place in the behavioral and lifestyle patterns of the Korean people. Ginseng, engraved in everyday objects, crafts, and poems, is symbolic in our culture as a representation of longevity and well-being. Ginseng elegantly depicted on ceramics serves as a symbol of longevity along with aesthetic beauty. The common inclusion of ginseng in ritual items in mountain deity beliefs, particularly represented by the 'Bullocho' (不老草) ginseng, reflects a strong belief in the mystical qualities of ginseng associated with longevity and prosperity. The incorporation of ginseng into commonly used everyday tools such as rice cakes, dining tables, decorations, matches, and fans suggests that ginseng was considered a talisman symbolizing health and longevity, kept close as a wish for good fortune. Rice cakes, often presented at ceremonies like ancestral rites, 60th-anniversary celebrations, weddings, and birthdays, had ginseng patterns carved into them as a way for our ancestors to inscribe the spirit and health-symbolizing ginseng onto the food. In family communities, ginseng patterns are frequently found on utensils related to eating, such as chopsticks, spoons, tea cups, and trays. Among the various folklore related to ginseng being passed down, the most prevalent are anecdotes illustrating its efficacy. Ginseng, gifted and exchanged as a symbol of gratitude in letters and poems, goes beyond being a mere medicinal herb to embody friendship and blessings. The symbolism of ginseng, as revealed in everyday objects, artworks, poems, and letters, can be summarized as follows: 1. In folklore and legends, ginseng symbolized filial piety offered to parents. 2. It represented gratitude sent to respected teachers and close friends. 3. Ginseng depicted on daily objects and artworks not only showcased aesthetics but also played a magical role in symbolizing longevity and well-being. Ginseng patterns on items like rice cake molds and dining tables embody the spirit of a caring community, wishing for longevity and prosperity."