• 가족자원경영과 정책
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.17-32
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• 2006

This essay has attempted to document the actual behavior patterns and the social networks related to the child delivery in the pre-industrial Korean society. We interviewed 30 women who had given birth to their first child during the 1930s and the 1940s in order to accumulate data related to son-prayer rites, prenatal care and food avoidance, sacred-string culture, and other incantation rituals. The characteristics of the social relationships with the person who had assisted the delivery and the recovery were also analyzed in terms of kinship networks. The results are as follows. First, there was a big gap between knowledge and the actual practices in birth rituals and customs. We assume that this is due to the adverse social-economic conditions at that time which may have restricted the actual performances of these customs. Second, there were almost no differences of the performance of these' birth customs between the urban areas and the rural areas. Third, the people who assisted the delivery were women who were mostly from the husband's family. Help from the wife's family were quite exceptional. Finally, it has been found out that only about half of the women who were interviewed performed the well-known custom of three-week after-birth confinement.

• 대한건축학회논문집:계획계
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• 제34권1호
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• pp.53-62
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• 2018

Bulcheonwi is determined by various ways. The first is certified by the state. Kings granted posthumous names to figures such as meritorious retainers, figures whose mortuary tablets were put into Jongmyo Shrine, and venerated figures with erudition and virtue whose mortuary tablets were put into Munmyo (Korean primary Confucian shrine The purpose of this study is to understand the spatial perception of Main head families (大宗家) and Sub head families (小宗家) have been divided for several centuries. This study was conducted under the assumption that it was possible to understand the mutual influence and relationship between perception and space by examining how methods for ritual ceremonies held in Main head families were conducted in different spaces of Sub head families or the process of ritual ceremonies changed with space. Bulcheonwi rites was performed by each family's own concepts of spaces such as Jeongchim or Cheongsa For actual ritual space, An-chae, Sarang-Chae and Byeoldang was utilized. This shows that one family's conception and utilization of each space was correspondent also different family s had their own idea of utilizing different spaces. In addition depends on the family in this study, there was differences on positon of Sa-dang upon the regions or time of construction. This can be concluded as familes had their own accommodations depends on building's space layout and traditons rather than following traditional Rites book's the rules of decorum.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.160-177
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• 2002

Wedding ceremony is a most basic and significant rite of religion. Clothing fur the ceremony is also assumed religious in essence. Thus this study focuses on ideas and religious qualities implied in wedding dresses for women in the latter period of Chosen. Among those wedding dresses for women in the public class, in this study, Yeom-Eui(염의), Won-Sam(원삼) in green and Hwal-Ot(활옷) are discussed. Yeom-Eui seemed preferred by only some of the nobel class who still considered manners and customs as very important. The rest people often wore a brilliant Hwal-Ot rather than Yeom-Eui under influences of a loosened social position system and sumptuous moods. Since a wedding is the reflection of social condition and at the same time a religious rite, the above mentioned difference in wedding dresses between the class of scholars obsessed with Confucianism and the rest public seems attributable to differences in values and religious views between the two groups. Of course, Hwal-Ot was also transmitted from the Chinese nation of Tang, so it complied with a contemporary flunkeyism about Chinese culture. Won-Sam and Hwal-Ot were designed with patterns representing the very significance of wedding and those wishing worldly blessings more children and more sons, longevity and wealth and prosperity. The fact that wishes of more children and more sons were more often implied by patterns of wedding dress in the latter Chosen indicates the legitimate oldest son-oriented patriarchical family system at that time influenced to such contemporary dresses. Meanwhile, those patterns used for Won-Sam and Hawl-Ot were influenced mainly by Confucianism, but sometimes based on Buddhism and Taoism. It suggests that the Chosun dynasty emphasized Confucian manners and customs to restore previous values which had been about to be collapsed since wars with the Chinese Ching and Japan, but nevertheless in the public class, Buddhism and Taoism were more deeply prevailed. This was supported by patterns and colors shown in wedding clothing.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제29권2호
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• pp.204-221
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• 2021

The morning ritual was a rite whereby a morning audience with the emperor was held for feudal lords sovereigns and subjects living in the precincts, monarchs or foreign envoys of the outskirts of the capital, and other ethnic group. Distinction between the main and subordinate rituals, changes in the ceremony according to the times, and the position or rank of those participating in the rite, were factors that directly affected the costumes worn for ritual. Accordingly, in this paper, the costumes worn by members of the Ming dynasty (emperor, prince imperial, prince) were examined in terms of the period and detailed ceremonies with a focus on the morning ritual and costume systems presented in the official historical records. Through this study, only Mian-fu (冕服) and Pi-bian-fu (皮弁服) were defined by the costume system ase costumes worn in the morning ritual. However, through comparative analysis with the morning ritual system, it was confirmed that Tongtian-guan-fu (通天冠服), Yishan-guan-fu (翼善冠服), and Bianfu (便服: slightly casual wear) were also worn. It is worth noting that the color of Gunlong-pao (袞龍袍) was differentiated according to status; the Emperor wore yellow, the Prince Imperial and lower levels wore red, which was the traditional perception of academia. However, following confirmation of the custom costume for the morning ritual, it was confirmed that the color of this differentiation appeared during the 3rd year of Emperor Yongle of Ming (1305). Previously five traditional colors (blue, red, yellow, white, and black) were used for the season.

• 가족자원경영과 정책
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.23-44
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to present a desirable model of memorial rites on the basis of their essential significance, as recognized by middle-aged housewives. This study was based on an interview survey that was conducted with 40 housewives in their 40's and 50's who live in Seoul. The interviews were carried out from August 1, 2009 to October 20, 2009, using a semi-structured questionnaire. The main results of this study can be summarized as follows: First, the middle-aged housewives recognized the significance of memorial rites as an expression of their sincerity, or as a cultural demonstration of affection commemorating their ancestors. Secondly, the housewives mentioned possible changes to different memorial rites depending on the will of their children's generation. These included a grafting of different memorial rites between religions, or a shift of the memorial rites to a religious institution or a memorial facility, in addition to maintaining the current practice in one's home. Thirdly, we proposed memorial rites that are carried out in one's home (Confucian, Christian, Confucian plus Catholic, or Confucian plus Buddhist style), a religious institution (Catholic church or Buddhist temple), and a memorial facility (arboretum, graveyard or enshrine facility).

• 한국식품조리과학회지
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• 제24권6호
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• pp.801-810
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• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• 복식
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• 제16권
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• pp.221-229
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• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.53-76
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• 2005

Through a field study of the folk houses, 'Closed ㄱㄴ Type' in Goyang-si, Gyonggj-do, focused on the dweller's life by the method of ethnographic interview, observation, and physical survey. L and opposite L type of inner and outer buildings form a closed inner court, and innermost backyard for woman is enclosed by fence. Form and space of the house contains dweller's traditional life. Outer space of a front gate becomes semiprivate space, for thrashing and piling up harvest and raising vegetables and pigs. Confucius principle does not fully dominate dweller's life of ancestral rite at Daecheong floor, and separation of man's and woman's quarter. Superstitious worship activities took place for lord of site and house. In everyday life, Anbang, inner main room, is assigned for parent's quarter instead of woman's quarter, and Geornbang, next room, was for son's family. Anbang has symbolic meaning for a place of deathbed. House contains agricultural activities, crop harvesting, thrashing, putting into storage, hulling rice, and keeping grain near kitchen. At present, rooms are needed more; sheds are made into rooms, rooms are enlarged toward outside, half outside space like Daechong floor becomes interior space by sash screen. And modern facilities of kitchen and bathroom are equipped for convenience. At the end, meaning and generative principle of those forms are discovered.

• 한국식품영양학회지
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.344-354
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• 2008

The traditional ritual foods of Korea have developed with for many years, and differ by locality, family customs and religious characteristics. In an efforts to establish the database on that addresses the difficult issue of a classification system for traditional Korean foods, we have conducted a survey of a traditional Korean ritual foods. In the database, typical 10 rites are represented, covering birth to death, these are birth, the hundredth day after birth, the first birthday, the commemoration of finishing books(graduation), the coming of age ceremony, marriage, the birthday feast for an old man, the 60th wedding anniversary, the funeral, and the memorial service. For each rite, the appropriate traditional Korean foods are classified into 6 categories-main dishes, side dishes, tteok lyou, hangwa lyou, eumchung lyou and the others. Some of these have varied considerably with the passage of time, and some have since disappeared. This database provides a basis for generational transmission, preservation and development of traditional Korean ritual foods as one of the components traditional Korean culture.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.416-427
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• 2010

In this study, we attempted to elucidate the cultural characteristics of Korean food based on a traditional understanding on the Korean novel. To achieve this, food characteristics related to 'rites of passage' were analyzed in the representative Korean literary work "Hon-bool", which describes the life of a first-son's wife every three generations in the going to ruin but historic 'Lee's family of Maean district' family and the life of the common 'Geomeong-gul' people who lived with farming on the Lee's land at Namwon of Junbook province in the 1930~1940s, during the Japanese Colonial rule. Every nation possesses rites of passage at important points in life, such as at birth, age of majority, wedding and death. Korean culture, in particular, has several memorial rites relating to birth, death and passage into the afterlife in which special foods are prepared. In this manner, ceremonial foods represent the Korean peoples' traditional vision of the universe and life. The book "Hon-bool" describes these traditions. Especially, the book describes the table-settings related to the main character's childbirth, first birthday, wedding and death. Therefore "Hon-bool" represents a living history of Korean traditional food and the work of storytelling through the traditional understanding is expected that perform an important role in making of cultural contents of Korean foods.