• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.51-82
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• 2002

This paper focuses on the process of national family politics through the project of family planning which became one of the main factors that brought the structural change in Korean families after 1960's. The family planning was established under the national project which was tightly driven by the government, and the new families were built artificially and coercibly by the plan rationality. The various and diverse forms of the national family politics were revealed in the process of the project. For example, the image of the modern families was forcedly adopted in order to justify the project, the families in this period were under microscopic surveillance in order to accomplish th e project effectively , etc. Modern nuclear families were derived through the economical and social support on the families only with a few number of children, and the structural change was made through the medical technique and support. Consequently, during the forty years after the project, the size of the families were reduced drastically, various and diverse forms of families were generated, and the modern family action and value were wide spread and generalized. Through the project, the government has been establishing th family patterns and norms which were so suitable to the modernization project that the families were able to be pulled into public sphere. The family problems in this process became very serious. However the government repeatedly forced the families to be the reoresentative of welfare state through new-modern political discourses. The welfare through the family is coerced to replace the weakness of welfare state. However the family is not the subject of the welfare, but the object of the welfare. The governmental family politics must make more efforts to gave the families to be the object to the welfare.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.17-33
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to find out the features of the Korean family change since 2,000 and to interpret the meaning of the change on the basis of the critical review of both the positive perspective and the negative perspective of the family change in Korea. Through the method of the literature review and the analysis of the various statistics by KOSTAT, it is drawn that explaining the change only by "diversity of family compositions" is not enough to figure out the meaning of the family change in Korea today and that it is needed to go further to approach the change as disintegration of the 'nuclear' composed of the married couple and their children. It is also drawn that the disintegration has led to weakening of the long term functions by the family, i. e., the function of life and of the virtues, which shakes the way of human life and the order of our society. Therefore, the present family change in Korea is to be understood as crisis, not as progress. And it is recommended that the family politics in Korea is to be focused on the ways for the healthy functioning and rebuilding the nuclear of the family.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.22
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• pp.1-32
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• 2014

This paper is searching the meaning of Gangseong(姜聖) which came from Gucheon Sangje(九天上帝, the Lord and Creator of the Great Origin of the Ninth Heaven) incarnated in the Gang(姜) family. To study the meaning of Gangseong(姜聖), this paper concentrate on Maitreya(彌勒尊佛) and the sentence about Wonsibanbon(原始返本) Sangje's incarnation in the Gang's family appeared on term Gangseong in the middle of divinity terms(九天應元雷聲普化天尊姜聖上帝). Furthermore, Sangje's surname Gangseong(姜姓) has relation with Maitreya and the sentence about Wonsibanbon. What Maitreya has relation with Gangseong(姜聖) is the legendary poem that Maitreya Statue became complete woman(六丈金佛 化爲全女) and what Wensibanbon has relation with Gangseong is the fact that family name Gang is primary surname all over the world's human beings. Wonsibanbon comprises correction of family lineage and theocracy(政敎一致) which came from tracing and reviving the beginning. As a primary family name, Sangje's incarnation family name Gang plays a leading edge role of religious activity of Sangje because primary family name Gang represents the one and only Truth(眞法) or the principle of Wensibanbon which means the union[unity] of religion and politics(政敎一致), and combining saintliness and heroism (聖雄兼備). According to the one and only Truth(眞法) like this, the first emergence and role of the completely "DoTongKunJa" (道通君子, the perfection of man with Dotong) who Sang-Je declared will build the union[unity] of religion and politics shows realization of advance-oriented salvation. Under the principle of Yangsan(兩山, twin mountain, 甑山, 鼎山, the three-story Maitreya Statue of Geumsan Temple) which implies emergence of the completely "DoTongKunJa"(道通君子) who will accomplish the union[unity] of religion and politics(政敎一致), combining saintliness and heroism(聖雄兼備) and advent of the one and only Truth(眞法出現). This could be possible by the almighty of Sangje who incarnated in Gang's family name according to the principle of Wensibanbon from the text Jeonkyung(典經) as shown. Adjusting family lineage (血統) means to straighten out the relation between ancestors and descendants, and which has close relation with the activity after Sangje's incarnation in Gang's family name according to the principle of Wensibanbon. As far as family lineage was concerned, there are three aspects of close relation between ancestors and descendants. First, general connection between ancestors and descendants, Second Dotong(道通)-related connection, Third after -death entrance(冥府)-related connection. Descendants should know a family history from moral laws of family relationships(天倫) by the Compatibility principle. As for second Dotong-related connection between ancestors and descendants, the fact descendants' Dotong can be accomplished by the act of ancestors' charity shows human beings world(人間界) where descendants live has close organic relation with divine world(神明界) where ancestors live. As for third after-death entrance-related connection between ancestors and descendants, after-death entrance are totally related with both Heavenly order(天道) of ancestors and Humane-order(人道) of descendants. At this point, we can see the relation between ancestors and descendants are very close and organic. As shown from the text Jeonkyung, Sangje as Gucheon Sangje(九天上帝, the Lord and Creator of the Great Origin of the Ninth Heaven) and Maitreya(彌勒尊佛) has descended to the earth adopting Gang's family name according to principle Wensibanbon. By Sangje's incarnation in Gang's family name, the legitimacy of the religion and the perfection of Do could be successed under the law of Yangsan(兩山). Furthermore, Sangje realize the one and only Truth by Adjusting family lineage and producing the completely "true man" through Cheonji Gongsa.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.13-21
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• 2020

As Korea's low birth rate has become a serious social problem, various government-level policy initiatives have been proposed to introduce and expand family-friendly personnel systems for work-family balance. The main causes of low birthrates in Korea are the increased participation of women in economic activities and the difficulties of work-family balance. As part of women's policy, support policies were introduced at various levels such as family-friendly institutions and flexible working systems, but they did not have much effect as an alternative to low birth rates. The implications of family-friendly institutions within the organization beyond low birthrates, which are continuously present, have greater implications at the time of new social transformation. This paper will investigate and discuss the implications of family-friendly policies and the implications of the flexible working system in the civil services.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.47-66
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• 2001

Today in modern Korea, the preferred modern social role for many modern women is that of modern housewife. This move to the role of housewife is a change in more than just a role; it also reflects a deep and fundamental change that has taken place in the social and economic roles of married women. This shift in economic activities and the gender roles they help produce speaks of a deep and profound process of transformation for all of Korea. Traditionally, a woman was a member of a family premised upon group production as well as group consumption. The role of jubu is derived almost exclusively from market forces and bases her identity and actions upon those forces. This distinction is crucial because it means Korean women are finding that they are no longer as central to the existence of the family. Modern life situations have altered a womans role by making consumption, not production by the woman herself, the keystone of modern families.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2011

My essay aims at reading Ginsberg's "Howl" and "Kaddish" with the concept of 'shaman-prophet-poet' to illustrate the dynamic relationship between his poetics and radical politics. Throughout his widely-ranging career, Ginsberg represents himself as a poet-prophet and commands a typical rhetoric of revelation as a way of decentering Cold War orthodoxies. While well aware of the oppressive and pervasive power of the dominant post-war ideologies, he adopts 'madness' to oppose conventional political, social, and religious institutions; by way of entering into the madness of this world and actively engaging himself as a victim, he can finally heal both himself and the world. This dual function of poet characterizes his rhetoric of revelation, but it doesn't appeal to the mainstream of American critical ideology where the post-structural approach to language and subject gives a skeptical look at any account of active human agency and humanistic belief in the possibility of language. In "Howl" and "Kaddish," Ginsburg persuades the reader of the truth of his own vision through the convincing and realistic portraits of his contemporaries as well as his own mother and family. Different from his visionary predecessors such as Emerson and Whitman, Ginsberg knew the difficulty of a negotiation between history and divine vision, and attempted to imbricate his family, friends, and even the larger social and political units within his visionary experience in order to avoid naive idealism, escapism, or solipsism. Furthermore, he deconstructs the Logos of Western prophecy and replaces it with the groundless identity and the nontheistic epistemology of Buddhism, which, in turn, leads to emptying his powerful language of absolutist meaning and prevents his prophecy from becoming re-reified as divine essentialism. Ginsberg's idea of poet and poem revitalizes the skeptical view on language and literary representation of our contemporary critical community which is unwilling to engage the experimental scope of his radical prophecy.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-150
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• 2016

This paper studied on the geographical distribution location arrangement and the social construction of Pungsu discourse and the Pungsu(Fengshui) management of royal tombs on the Joseon Dynasty from the historical, cultural geographical perspective. The Pungsu landscape of royal tombs during the Joseon dynasty was the direct result of the political dynamics among the king, his family, other royal families, and various groups of vassals. Pungsu was a important factor in deciding tomb sites or landscapes, but it was a secondary factor to politics in the Joseon Dynasty. The primary factor was politics, clearly showing Pungsu's status in social discourse. The royal tomb Pungsu is defined as the Pungsu discourse of the Joseon Dynasty period which is combined with Confucian ideology in Korean Pungsu history.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.5
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• pp.975-999
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• 2012

This paper interrogates what a new point Schmitt shows concerning the problem of sovereignty in Hamlet or Hecuba in comparison with his Political Theology. Schmitt reveals his political stand on sovereignty through ‘political representation’ that connects the politics to the aesthetics in Hamlet or Hecuba since Hamlet is above all aesthetic work as play. He stresses the determining effect of political reality over the play as he links the story of Hamlet to the tragic family of James I and the religious conflicts of the Stuart dynasty. This leads to, on the one hand, supporting the myth of absolute sovereignty by elevating Hamlet to the transcendental and the exceptional status of sovereign. However, Schmitt’s intent over the absolute sovereignty is, on the other hand, demolished with the two shadows that he scrutinized through the couple of Hamlet and James I: first, the suspect that Gertrude(Mary Stuart) was involved in the murder of Hamlet(James I)’s father, and second, the century’s conflicts with religious reformation and civil war. The perils of sovereignty are manifested not only in these two, “the taboo of the Queen,” and “the Hamletization of the avenger.” It is most of all evidenced in Hamlet itself that subverts the unconditional sovereignty consistently. Hamlet’s selfreflective remarks likening the king to the beggar and the reality of Denmark succession prove that Hamlet’s political discourse is totally different from the politics that accentuates the divine sovereignty.