• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.48 no.2
• /
• pp.64-81
• /
• 2015

The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.65-101
• /
• 2018

In the late Joseon Dynasty, patriarchal ideology became central to the family and the clan, and once again became acutely felt with "the familism of clan rules that centered around a legitimate and eldest son." The establishment of the family-clan system, though somewhat complex, was largely aimed at the family line of "a paternalist-a legitimate and eldest son." The trend was not limited to a particular family, but rather, was a historical and social trend. Changseonggameirok showed how to solve the family crisis by setting up a problem for the next generation's patriarch. This paper tries to explain the issue of Hwachun's complex as the legitimate and eldest son complex. First, it suggests that Hwachun's complex is as universal as the Cain complex, also known as the eldest son complex, and that Hwachun's complex is a special instance of the legitimate and eldest son complex in Changseonggameirok. Next this paper studies the aspects of Hwachun's legitimate and eldest son complex combined with Mrs. Sim's complex, as well as her daughter-in-law's complex, and eventually tracks the development of the family-clan complex. As a result, we've come to a new conclusion that the legitimate and eldest son complex was found in Changseonggameirok for the first time in Korean literary history. This paper also examines the fact that when the legitimate and eldest son complex was transferred to Hwajin, it became a family complex that Hwajin had to contend with; this paper tracks the process wherein Hwajin's filial piety solved the legitimate and eldest son complex. As a result, we realized that Hwajin's filial duty and brotherly love went beyond his feelings for Mrs. Sim and Hwachun, and supported the substantiation for "the familism of a clan that is based on rules of the legitimate and eldest son" in the course of public opinion. However the familism of these rules was not embodied in the absolute; in the royal family, for example, it was rather flexibly implemented when the characters admitted to breaking the law. In addition, this paper provides the room for a critical reading of Changseonggameirok, reflecting back on the underlying guilt and psychological pain of the characters who are affected by the particular rules, and concluding that guilt and suffering are fundamentally insoluble. This is because the two ideas, "the legitimate and eldest son complex" and "the familism of a clan rules centered on a legitimate and eldest son" are two sides of the same coin.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.13 no.3
• /
• pp.51-67
• /
• 2004

The purpose of this study is to bring light on the characteristics of the transition in the Ddeulzip. The subject of this study is clan village of Pungsan Kim's family in Andong Cultural Area. Architectural transition of Ddeulzip is analyzed into three part. The first part is settlement of family. In this process, there is a background and many types of settlement. The second part is the extension of family. The extensional types are 'near-by branch' and 'far-away branch'. The last part is variation of housing. Spacial requests of residence are changed endlessly. Thus the spacial types of Ddeulzip are changed by the construction time of building. In many case, we couldn't decide the building period. The genealogy of Chosun Dynasty is the base of family history. In this study, the construction activity of Ddeulzip is based on the genealogy. The phylogenetic tree of Ddeulzip in clan village is constructed by the genealogy. The figures of the type of bunch of grapes is made by phylogenetic tree based on the genealogy. Omi Village in Andong was settled at first in the 15C. The cause of settlement is the aim of escape from political oppression. For long time, Omi Village is developed gradually. There area is divided in some small family boundary. There spacial types are contained the characteristics of many times. Orock Village in Bonghwa is settled for search of best environment in the last of 17C. At that time, a lot of families of same clan are gathered in that village. For short time, Orock Village is enlarged quickly. Thus there spacial type is similar each other. But boundary of entire space of outdoor is constructed clearly by pavilion area, housing area and sanctuary area.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.41
• /
• pp.443-475
• /
• 2015

The subjects of analysis in this paper, the clan name roots "Baj," "Kim," and "Shama/Sama," while distributed commonly among the Altai, Ye i, and isolated language groups, are most widely distributed among the Evenki. The clan name root "Baj-" is widely distributed among indigenous Siberian nations, but is most frequently found among the Manchu-Tungus, especially the Evenki. Therefore, it appears that clans with this root originated from Pribajkal'e, known to be the origin of the Evenki, and spread widely among the nearby Buryats, Mongols, and Yakuts, later spread east to the Nivhi of the Amur River, to the Enisej Protoasiatic language nations such as the Yukaghir or Ket to the north, and the Samoyed language group nations such as the Ne and Selkup. According to the analysis results in this paper, the Evenki clan name "Kim" has the meaning of "person," but also is somewhat associated with gold, metal, or stone. On one hand, while the origin of the clan name "Kim" cannot be clearly established, the clan was assimilated into the Evenki near in ancient times, after which the clan name became widely known among the Manchu-Tungus nations, and furthermore in the Turk nations. The clan name Shama/sama is widely spread across Siberia, including the Manchu-Tungus language group nations of the Altai language family, the Turk language family, and the Samoyed language groups of the Ural language family. Moreover, this clan name is not associated with famous mythic ancestors or heroes of historically famous Asian nations, and it cannot be translated into contemporary language; thus the identification of the meaning and origins of this word is by no means an easy task.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.69
• /
• pp.83-114
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.51-61
• /
• 2009

Objective: Much has been known that the systematical theory of acupuncture was developed from stone needle as therapeutic tools for orthopedic diseases in ancient times. Stone needle is very old therapeutic method like moxibustion and has been recognized that it was developed since the Stone Age in China so far. In the present study, it was examined for the origination and formation of stone needle based on stone relics of the Stone Age in Korean Peninsular, the medical and geographical literatures. Materials and methods: The facts of stone needle was examined and arranged on the ancient medical or geographical literatures such as The Yellow Emperor's Canon Internal Medicine, Shanhaijing as an ancient geographical book, etc. The clan societies and family related to an origination of stone needle was chased together with their cultural characteristics and origination. The stone relics which have been digged out of historic sites in the North-East Asia were examined for a relevance to stone needle. Results: In The Yellow Emperor's Canon Internal Medicine, it was referred to the stone needle that originated from a fishery zone related to the east coast district in North-East Asia. Through the examination of Shan Hai Jing as an ancient geographical book and its historical reviews, a Go-yi clan society who keep Go's family tree dealt well with the stone needle and jewels including jade in the North-East Asia before the publication periods of The Yellow Emperor's Canon Internal Medicine, and is comprised in the culture of Dong-yi clan society but not the Chinese culture. The obsidian stones, which have been digged out of historical sites in the North-East Asia since the Stone Age, are originated from volcanic areas combined with seashore that seems to be Baekdu mountain district in Korea and Kyushu district in Japan. Furthermore, obsidian stone tools which were found out at Laodung peninsula and the Korean peninsula are archeologically similar to the stone needle with regards to the shape, size and dual-use. In addition, specific obsidian stone tools have been used in orthopedic surgery as well-crafted obsidian blades have a cutting edge up to five times sharper than high-quality steel surgical scalpels. Conclusion: The origin of obsidian stone needle is well corresponded to the explanation about that of the stone needle. It is suggested that the stone needle which influenced in completion of acupuncture and Meridian theory in China seems to be an obsidian stone, and distribution of obsidian stone needle has been closely connected to Dong-yi clan society which are lived in the North-East Asia including Baekdu-mountain district.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.31 no.5
• /
• pp.411-429
• /
• 2016

This study introduced "Dongchundang Eumsikbeop" and examined its value as a reference. "Dongchundang Eumsikbeop" is a recipe book from the Head House of Eunjin Song Clan. As the author is unknown, the book is named after where it was found. "Dongchundang Eumsikbeop" records the recipes for 32 total foods, including 12 types of fermented foods, eight types of liquor, and six types of side dishes, etc. In "Jusiksiui", written by the same clan 100 years before, fermented foods account for 15% of its contents. On the other hand, this book assigns 34% of its space to fermented foods. It is assumed that the recipe book must have been compiled according to what households ate the most, as hostesses had to cook for their households due to financial difficulties at the time. In "Dongchundang Eumsikbeop", baking soda and alum were used as leavening agents for confectionery while sugar-based caramelizing was used for making soy sources, implying that modern food techniques were already applied. In short, this book provides a glimpse into the wisdom of hostesses of the Head House who improved recipes to suit changing times while adhering to tradition.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.29 no.6
• /
• pp.477-487
• /
• 2014

This study aimed to develop a new commercialization model for theindustrialization of head family food as a gentry families' complex food culture product. We tried to develop a head family food and propose a city sightseeing style's head family product by interviews with 'Hakindang' as the center, the head house of the Suwon Baek clan, and Injaegong group in Jeonjoo. Hakindang (in Jeonju) was confirmed as an improved model Korean-style house in the enlightenment period and the twentieth style modern head family as emerging capitalist. Hakindangsupported independence war funds in the Japanese colonial era and was widely known as gate of filial piety in Jeonju. Representative seasonal foods of Hakindang include pan-fried sweet rice cake with flower petals in the spring, hot spicy meat stew and polypus variabilis in summer, hanchae in autumn, and napa cabbage kimchi with salted flatfish seafood in the winter. When parents-in-law had a birthday, there were party noodles, sliced abalone stuffed with pine nuts, brass chafing dish, fish eggs, slices of blilde meat, and matnaji. Daily, there were mainly salted seafood, slices of raw fish, grilled short rib patties, braised fish, baked fish, syruped chestnut, grilled deodeok root, bean sprouts, radish preserved with salt, dongchimi, soy sauce-marinated horseshoe crab, butterbur, perilla seed stew, salted clams, raw bamboo shoot, agar, fried kelp, etc. The most basic virtue of the head family is filial duty, and they developed mosim dining as a representative food of Hakingdang's head family. The mosim menu is composed of 65% carbohydrates, 20% protein, and 15% fat because it is table for parents-in-law like more than 75 years old. The sensory evaluation showed a chewy texture that is easily swallowed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.30 no.3
• /
• pp.296-312
• /
• 2015

This study conducted a literature review, field study, and in-depth interview on the build order, cooking method, and origin of 'Donggot-tteok (rice cake)', which was the ritual food for 'Chungjae Gwon Beol from the Andong Gwon clan Jong-ga' in Bonghwa, Gyeongbuk, who deifies Chungjae Gwon Beol as Bulcheonwi. Donggot-tteok of Chungjae Jong-ga is classified as one kind of Bonpyeon (Janjeolpyeon) and 11 kinds of Utgipyeon, and assumes a unique circle build shape. According to the results of the literature review data in 2004 and 2010 with field study data in 2014, the build order, materials, and cooking method were maintained without large changes. With regard to Utgipyeon with which Donggot-tteok is topped, Cheongjeolpyeon, Milbiji, Songgisongpyeon, Gyeongdan, Ssukdanja, Bupyeon, Japgwapyeon, Jeon, Sansim, Jo-ak, and Kkaeguri were heaped in each layer, and the beauty of obangsaek (five colors) was well harmonized. Besides, with regard to the origin of Donggot-tteok, which was presented without elaborating sundry records, we examined the possibility of being introduced from the royal court through old paper and the Jokbo (family tree) that Jong-ga owns.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.30 no.3
• /
• pp.41-54
• /
• 2017

Objectives : Yoondongri is a famous Korean medical doctor in the 18th century. He wrote Chochangkyeul, a special medical book which records his treatment based on the theory of Ungi. Nevertheless, his life and his book have not received due research it deserves. Methods : The paper studied the family tree as revealed in the Papyeong Yoon clan and Chochangkyeul. Further study was done on Yoon's medical theories and clinical features as discovered in Chochangkyeul and Ungiyeonron. Results & Conclusions : Very little is known about Yoondongri other than that he is the 27th generation from the progenitor of the Yoon clan of Papyeong Yoon clan, and that he is the great grandchild of Choongheon-gong Yoon Jeon. One of the important elements of his Ungi theory is Owoon Habgi, which illustrates the integration of Gabsin, Muui, Byeonggye, Gyungjeong, and Yimgi, thereby forming one Ilki. Ilki signifies that mechanisms of disease are inter-connected and one in essence. As the core of his clinical practice, he explains the 25 different types of diseases that can afflict those who are born in the years Gabsin, Muui, Byeongye, Gyungjeong, and Yimgi when they are met with their corresponding year. Yoon described for each script the mechanism of disease, symptom, treatment, and prescription, all of which showcases his status as a great clinical practitioner. His application of Ungi theory is uncomplicated and accessible. His method was also highly effective, the likes of which were unseen even in China and Japan. His prescriptions are mainly based on the Ungi treatment found in Jinmutaek's Saminang, and on Donguibogam.