• Archives of design research
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• v.11
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• pp.130-139
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• 1995

The dictionary defines the word 'Design' as planning and designing. Though this is a meaning confined to decorative function, the conception of modern design in this capitalist society of mass production and mass consumption can be said to have reached a new stage of the meeting of industry and the arts. This means the two sides of design' the side of beauty and usefulness The side of beauty should be understood in view of the sense of beauty, and usefulness should also be considered from the viewpoint of consumer's taste and preference This is thought to be the natural problems of design The origin of design can be understood from the background of capitalism. But the capitalism can be said to be the mode of Western thought and action developed based on Western thinking. The capitalism is an economic system derived from the society of industrial capitalism through commercial capitalism. but this economic thinking has been resulted from a mature social system of democracy and civic society. The civic society and democracy are derived from polis of ancient Greece and Rome. and the ancient Greek and Roman society was a society developed from the social system of the nobility and slaves. Polis continued to develop based on the positive territorial expansionism centering around the Mediterranean on the basis of Hellenism. and European countries achieved the intergration of religion. society and politics based on this. thus accomplishing the spirit of capitalism Our design is believed to have been derived from the direct import of Western capitalism. Accordingly. as the original form of Western capitalism has become our economic system. so our design copied that of th West. And our traditional culture and sensitivity which are different in the original form and root of racial disposition seem to breed discord between them. It is. therefore. very important and meaningful for us to exert all possible efforts to seek the root of our disposition and tradition and grope for the appropriate thought and style of design.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.6
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• pp.27-50
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• 2008

This thesis examines contemporary Chinese painting after the Cultural Revolution(1966~76), focusing upon so-called "Chinese Pop art", which I termed as "Socialist Pop art". I considered the art of this period within the broader context of social changes especially after the Tienanmen incident of 1989. After the Cultural Revolution during which idolization of Chairman Mao was at its peak, one of the major changes in communist China was that an anti-Mao wave was generated in almost every social class. For example, novels that revealed the hardships during the Cultural Revolution were published. Posters that openly criticized the Maoism were also produced and displayed on the walls, and demand for democracy spurred widespread activist movements among young generations. These broad social changes were also reflected in art. A variety of art movements were introduced from the West to China, and after a period of experimentation with the new imported styles, artists began to apply the new artistic idiom to their works in order to visualize their own social and political realities they lived in. It was a shift from earlier Socialist Realism to a new expression either directly or indirectly, "Socialist Pop", an amalgam of Socialist Realism and Pop art tradition. After the 1989 crackdown of Tienanmen Square protest, when communist government quelled with brutal measures the students, workers, and ordinary people who rose for democracy, greater urge to protest the Deng Xiaoping regime emerged. This time coincided with the gradual emergence of art using Pop art vocabulary to satirize the social reality, the Socialist Pop art, along with many other art forms all with avant-garde spirit. One of the most frequent subjects of Chinese Pop art was visual images of Chairman Mao and his Cultural Revolution, and new China that was saturated with capitalism, which tainted the Chinese way of life with a Western way of consumerism and commercialism. The reason for the popularity of Mao's image was spurred by the "Mao Craze" in the early 1990's. People suddenly began to fall in a kind of nostalgia for the past, and once again, Mao Zedong was idolized as an entity who can heal the problems of modern China who had been marching towards their ultimate destination, the economic development. But this time Chairman Mao was no more an idol but just a popular, commercial product. He is no more an object of worship of almost religious nature but he has become an iconography symbolizing the complex nature of present Chinese society. During this process of depicting the social reality, Chinese artists are making the authority and sanctity of Maoism ineffective. Dealing with this new trend of contemporary Chinese art in view of "Socialist Pop art" two manners of re-creating Pop art can be illustrated: one that incorporates the propaganda posters of the Cultural Revolution; the other borrows from Chinese traditional popular imagery or mass media, such as photos taken during Mao era. What is worth mentioning is that these posters and photos of the Cultural Revolution can be identified as 'popular' media, as they were directed to educate the popular mass, thus combination of this ingenuous pop media with Western Pop art can be fully justified as a genre unique to China. Through this genre, we can discover a new chapter of the Chinese contemporary painting and its society, as their Pop art can be considered as self-portraits true to their present appearances.

• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.4 no.4
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• pp.43-61
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• 1981

Interest in the Quality of working life is spreading rapidly and the phrase has entered the popular vocabulary. That this should be so is probably due in large measure to changes in the values of society, nowadays accelerated as never before by the concerns and demands of younger people. But however topical the concept has become, there is very little agreement on its definition. Rather, the term appears to have become a kind of depository for a variety of sometimes contradictory meanings attributed to it by different groups. A list of all the elements it if held to cover would include availability and security of employment, adaquate income, safe and pleasant physical working conditions, reasonable hours of work, equitable treatment and democracy in the workplace, the possibility of self-development, control over one's work, a sense of pride in craftsmanship or product, wider career choices, and flexibility in matters such as the time of starting work, the number of working days in the week, Job sharing and so on altogether an array that encompasses a variety of traditional aspirations and many new ones reflecting the entry into the post industrial era. The term "quality of working life" was introduced by professor Louis E. Davis and his colleagues in the late 1960s to call attention to the prevailing and needlessly poor quality of life at the workplace. In their usage it referred to the quality of the relationship between the worker and his working environment as a whole, and was intended to emphasize the human dimension so often forgotten among the technical and economic factors in job design. Treating workers as if they were elements or cogs in the production process is not only an affront to the dignity of human life, but is also a serious underestimation of the human capabilities needed to operate more advanced technologies. When tasks demand high levels of vigilence, technical problem-solving skills, self initiated behavior, and social and communication skills. it is imperative that our concepts of man be of requisite complexity. Our aim is not just to protect the worker's life and health but to give them an informal interest in their job and opportunity to express their views and exercise control over everything that affects their working life. Certainly, so far as his work is concerned, a man must feel better protected but he must also have a greater feeling of freedom and responsibility. Something parallel but wholly different if happening in Europe, industrial democracy. What has happened in Europe has been discrete, fixed, finalized, and legalized. Those developing centuries driving toward industrialization like R.O.K, shall have to bear in mind the human complexity in processing and designing the work and its environment. Increasing attention is needed to the contradiction between autocratic rule at the workplace and democratic rights in society.n society.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.93-133
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• 2019

Throughout history, there are three clues of dualistic structures for the development of Hong Kong's nativism. First, inward attribution and outward lookingare two paths to the formation of Hong Kong's nativism. In the dualistic framework of "self-others", nativism is formed. The formation path of "outward looking"can be seen everywhere in the construction history of Hong Kong's nativism. It is under the reflection of "two mirrors" with Britain and Chinese mainland that Hong Kong people acquire the concept of "Hong Kong's nativism". Second, there are two aspects of Hong Kong's nativism: economic and cultural aspect and political aspect. With the gradual development of Hong Kong's history, these two aspects come into being and are closely bound up, thus constituting Hong Kong's nativism today. The third clue is the most critical one. The subjectivity of colonization and decolonization are two different forms of Hong Kong people's subjectivity. These three clues run through the whole process of the construction of Hong Kong nativism, and are carried out in three stages of development: "Origin (1960s-1970s): Preliminary Construction of Hong Kong's Nativism", "Development of Hong Kong's Nativism (1980s-1997): Awakening of Political Aspect" and "Formation and Alienation of Hong Kong's Nativism (1997-present): Deformed "decolonization". Along the evolution of Hong Kong's nativism, with the disintegration of colonialism, Hong Kong people have gradually transited from the subjectivity of colonization to the subjectivity of decolonization, but the process of "decolonization" has not been completed up to now.When nativism loses its native complex from the perspective of "inherent in China", and further develops into the "separatism" of anti-constitutional system and anti-national continuity and unity, it will challenge the stability of the relationship between the central government and the Special Administrative Region under the "one country, two systems". At the same time, it will have a greater impact on the political structure and the rule of law system of Hong Kong, and trigger a series of public law problems that need to be solved urgently. In this regard, on the one hand, we should re-clarify the relationship between the central government and the region under the "one country, two systems" in light of the new situation of democratic political development in Hong Kong, and improve Hong Kong's governance mechanism on the basis of the constitution and the basic law; on the other hand, we should actively learn from the German defensive democracy system to systematically interpret, integrate and apply Hong Kong's existing legal resources so as to effectively curb the development of local separatist forces.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-68
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• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.118-134
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• 2013

This paper analyzes the pubic nature of New Genre Public Arts. It is very sensitive to the social issues and supports democracy and communities with the diverse civic participation. Therefore, it is be widely known without doubt that new genre public arts is more public in nature compared to the previous public arts. This research observes the practices of new genre public art and focuses on the problems of the revealing nature of new genre public art through the analysis of the interrelations among government, artists, and the residents by through observation on the , Seoul City Gallery project from October 2008 to January 2009. The implementation of the project is divided into three constituent parts: local government for funding, artists for planning and implementing, and residents. Local government supports and commands the public art works to create more competitive and harmonious city. Artists emphasize the revitalization of community and take the residents as the passive objects of enlightenment. Whereas, the residents hope to use the funds to improve economic conditions. Artists accept the top-down commands of government, whereas residents tend to passively participate and become objects for enlightenment by artists, after all, might be alienated by the project. These kinds of communications and relationships raise the issue of the possibility of failure of public arts projects.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.33-68
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• 1993

The purpose of this paper is to survey the influence of the culture change on the dress and personal adornments, and to survey the change of factors from the August 15. 1945 to 1960, in connection with the social and cultural background, applying B. Malinowski′s "Theory of Culture Change" which means an acculturation is the change′s elements of the dress and its ornaments. It is remarkable that the dress and personal adornments of Korean women after August 15, 1945 has great change from the traditional dress of the thousands years. Through the Liveration on August 15, 1945, American military government and the establishment of the Korean government, American democracy has brought many changes on Korean society. Advancement of education, an society with developed economic life, and introduction of scientific skill have influenced on the women′s way of thinking and a style of behavior and the view of value. The acculturation, the supply of mass communication, introduction of new institution and the reorganization of the old institution, the change of the economic situation, the change of the educational system, the change of the point of value, the development of scientific skill have greatly influenced on the dress and personal adornments. Modern dress and personal adornments of Korean women has the following developing procedure. The Liberation from Japan on the 15th, of August, 1945, the stationing of American Soldiers during hte Koran War, returning of the oversea′s brethern, and the mass communication have the direct and indirect contact with western civilization, and bring the occasion of development of the modern dress of Korean women. The increase of mass communication, such as radio, TV, newspaper, magazines and the frequent fashion shows showed fine design and practical western style dress to the women. This was the real beginning of the western style dress in Korea. By the increase of employment and the improvement of the economic situation, the consumption of clothing and the adornments was increased, so that a wide variety of fashions was set, and numerous kind and form of dress came in. As the increase of the number of women students, their practical and free dress life demanded western style dress. After the Liberation from Japan, the open-door policy of sex, public morals and traditional ethics became lax, and in this disordered society, indecent expose of the body was common. By the different kind of technological development, the form, fabrics, colors and patterns in clothes were much influenced and the hair style, make up, shoes and adornments were much influenced too. As shown above, the change of the dress has the same connection with that of society and culture. This shows that the dress and personal adornments represent clearly the cultural phenomenon of the society and cultural change of the society.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.6
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• pp.1-46
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• 2003

During the ancient times, there was no separative judicial system and administrative , legislative and judiciary functions were ultimately concentrated in the all-powerful monarch. And the three states developed state organization , adopting hieratical structures and placing at the pinnacle . State Codes were promulgated to initiate a legal system to rule the people, these codes instituted under influence of China codes. The people tradition sees crime control as the preservation of the authority of hereditary rulers. In the period of the Koryeo dynasty, government accepted a serious of detailed penal code from Tang dynasty . Legal response to crime stressed preservation of the dynasty rather than making citizen behave according to certain rules. In the period of Early Joseon , the compilation of Grand Code for state administration was initiated, the Kyeongkuk Taejeon ,became comer stone of the dynastic administration and provided the monarchial system with a sort of constitutional law in written form. This national code was in portant means of criminal policy at that time, Late Joseon , the impact of Western culture entering through China gave further impetus to pragmatic studies which called for socio-economic reforms and readjustment. Approach to criminal justice policy emphasized more equitable operation of the criminal justice system ,rehabilitation and crime control. Korea-Japanese Treaty concluded on 22 August ,1910 and proclaim a week later ,Japan gave the coup de grace to the Korea Empire and changed the office of the Resident - General into the Government - General . Thus korean criminal policy were lost during a dark ages ,which lasted for 36 years after fall of Joseon Dynasty (the colnial period,1910${\sim}$1945). After 1945 Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the occupation of devided Korea by the United States and Soviet Union frustrated the efforts of Koreans to establish an independent government, and the transplantation of two conflicting political ideologies to south and the north of the 38th parallel further intensified the national split. U.S. military government office occupied the south of the 38 the parallel and placed emphasis on democracy of criminal policy. ln 1948, the U.S. military government handed over to the ROK government its administrative authority.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.23-44
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• 2013

Climate change affects human and natural environment. Many countries, including Korea, are trying to develop climate change adaptation strategies to minimize adverse impacts of climate change. To deal with climate change efficiently, decisions have to be made among many options. The objectives of this paper is to analyzes methodologies for prioritizing climate change adaptation measures. Each methodology has strength and weakness and information requirements are differ. We find multi-criteria analysis is one of useful tools considering current level of understanding on climate change adaptation. We suggest climate change risks(timing, likelihood, intensity of climate change impacts), feasibility of policy (equity, main-streaming, democracy), effectiveness (economic effectiveness, co-benefits, propagation effects) of adaptation measures as main evaluation criteria of prioritization.