• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.87-101
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• 2002

This paper serves to analyze the points of views un women in enlightenment discourse of the equality of sexes during the enlightenment period of Korea (1860 1910). The discourses of newspapers that are the text of this study have been analyzed with qualitative research technique. The major conclusions that are derived from the study are as follows. First, enlightenment discourse of the equality of sexes criticized women’s inferior status in family and in society. Second, the discourse, however, claimed the women's rights with the view of national interests, which meant that the ultimate goal of the discourse was not the enhancement of women's rights. Women during the enlightenment period were recognized as a member of a nation while they should also role as a member of If. The discourse also claimed that the equality of sexes could be realized through education and emphasized especially women's role as a mother who should raise a member of a nation. Third, enlightenment discourse would not understand the women's every day lives that resulted in demanding women more roles in the name of civilization.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.57-76
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• 2011

This study is on the pedagogical convention of architectural history in Korea, especially that of Western Architecture. Recent institutional change in architectural school in Korea has caused overall restructuring of academic program. In spite of extension in the field of history there was no progress of method and way of thinking. There is no change in the point of view to see the western architecture and its history as a unique and specialized phenomenon in the civilization of mankind. Because of no recognition about for what, for whom, and how to, and because of orientalism, the cultural position of western architectural history and its narrative was not asked. With the help of post-colonialism, de-constructivism and critical historiography this paper tries to show the fundamental premise of western architectural history as a myth and show its prejudice as not being justifiable. The background of the discourse there has been a representation effect with regard to knowledge as a power. we need to escape from this kind of cognitional frame With the analysis of the its premise and narrative we can find it is a historical construct that was made in the age of imperialism. In fact it has a lot of false information and problematic point of view. The Identity and originality of western architecture and its history has no logical reason or foundation if we think that it depends on the difference and comparison with other civilization. For example the explanation of its historical origin western architecture has big difference with Islamic architecture in spite of the resemblance each other. This paper try to show several reasons that discourse of western architectural history can not be survived any longer. So we need to reconstruct new pedagogy with deconstruction for the students of non western, or Korean students. Because it has important effect to see and think about architecture and its history.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.633-642
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• 2016

This study looked into Japan's recognition of Korea in early modern era with particular focuses on discourse on Korea and contents in textbooks in those days. In doing so, the topics of nationality, historical recognition, and social aspects in Korea were established and discourse on these topics in educational journals and the contents of textbooks and teaching manuals projected with such discourse were investigated. As for nationality, a strong propensity to negative recognition was clearly observed, represented by the words lazy, enervate, and uncivilized. They defined Korea's history of passive, other-directed nature and described such incompetent national management resulted in negative nationality. Their recognition of Korean history went further away, stating Korea was incapable of maintaining its independence and was a threat to peace of Japan and Asia, hence the forced merger by Japan. The criteria for Japan to assess Korean society were Western civilization and they defined Korean society as a pre-modern society with lower levels of civilization and culture. Discourse in Japan over Korea in early modern era were strongly influenced by Japan's pride as a modern state and its dominating ideology of imperialism and such discussions were spread among students through textbooks and teaching manuals.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.391-411
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• 2011

This paper examines Du Boisian critique of American exceptionalism through a close textual analysis of his writings from early essays to later works. As an attempt to respond to the persistent grip American exceptionalism has on both the academia and the intellectual world at large, this paper tries to fill in the gaps within the discourse of American exceptionalism by exploring the works of one of the most towering American intellectual figures, and suggests that the discourse of American exceptionalism has remained within the purview of white scholars. Although at times inconsistent and contradictory, Du Bois's trenchant critique of American civilization and Western imperialism deconstructs the original ideals of America, creating more than a fissure in the ideology/hegemony/state fantasy of American exceptionalism. I argue that Du Boisian critique of American exceptionalism shows its violent marginalization and racialization based on white supremacy. Du Boisian critique should be a cautionary tale for those scholars who talk of "reform" or "replenishment" or even who occlude the possibility that American exceptionalism has not always functioned as a "state fantasy" by assuming its absolute blinding powers.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.81-99
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• 2004

This text discusses trends in the construction of religions since the Meiji Era, using Konkokyo and Restoration Shintoism as examples. The construction of religions is applied here as the process of a deliberate acceptace of religious images as a discourse of "Civilization" endowed with "kyougi" or "Doctrine" and "kyousoku" or "Rules of Instruction." Winding through a meandering path, these constructed religions do not take precedence over "Jikyou" or "State Religion." Yet, "Jikyou" for a while was fixed in its own fragemented self-imagery. As for Shinto, in 1900, the Office of Shinto Shrines became independent from the Office of Shrines and Temples in the Department of Domestic Affairs, and clearly Shinto and Shinto Shrines were part of secular state ideology. In the Bakumatsu and Meiji Periods, it ultimately was cut off from Restoration Shinto, thereby achieving this development on its own. This tells of the formation of an entirely new and modern Shinto within a secular "Jikyou." Konkokyo, moreover, as a religion establishes "kyousoku" and "kyougi." As a Shinto sect, it takes steps on the path toward recognizing a self-identity, namely as religious Shinto. As a result, dogmatization and systemization progress, and "Byoukinaoshi" or "illness-recovery" from the Tokugawa Period weathers. Also, as for progress in the Shinto religious order, from its foundation, the characteristics of a unified state and religion emerge, and thus there is an acceptance of significant restrictions. This dillema continues to persist as a problem in postwar Japan. Shedding light on Tokugawa Era practice also sheds light on where we can now take religious concepts.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.628-633
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• 2010

All the text of housing in 1910s was conveyed in three; hygiene general readings, home economics texts saying women's responsibility of cleaning house, and Japanese's observation and criticizing Korean housing. It stressed sanitary conditions of housing and criticised Korean housing dirty, of which contents and logic were same with the housing discourse in 1900s but much simpler and smaller in amount. It was mainly written by those in medical treatment field like doctors for enlightenment of private hygiene practice to Koreans. Because Choson Government-General(朝鮮總督府) excluded Korean residental areas from urban sanitation project, they remained dirty in 1910s. The practice of housing sanitation remained just as a matter of private sanitary practice. These political and discoursive conditions insinuated a sense that Korean dirty housing was representation of Korean's uncivilized customs and manners and a reason for being colonized. This sense made many Koreans to insist their housings' reforming to sanitary states just for civilization during colonized period.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.2
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• pp.219-238
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• 2018

This essay examines the first-generation Korean American writer, No-Yong Park's falsehoods about his ethnic identity to suggest how and why he passed for Chinese, and to explore the political, anti-Japanese implications of these actions. The essay first identifies erroneous information circulating about his biographical background, presents some other materials that help us better understand the context in which he forged his Chinese identity, and then examines how he represented himself as Chinese in his published works. I would argue that Park's self-identification as Chinese was a resulting outcome of his naturalization caused by the Japanese colonial power in Korea and also one of his surviving strategies in the racist environment within American society. Looking at some of his works-including Making a New China (1929), An Oriental View of American Civilization (1934), Chinaman's Chance: Autobiography (1940)-and examining how he represented Korea and its people reveal how he tried to raise voice for them. By doing so, this essay illuminates Park's resistance to Japan's colonial discourse and power in Korea while revealing his lifetime passing as Chinese-far from his refusal to belong to the Korean community, or to acknowledge being Korean.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.171-200
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• 2016

The full-scaled study of Joseon conducted by Japan in the 1910s was part of its colonial policy, while the native Joseon studies against it contained political aspiration to recover the national rights and independence. Accordingly, the conceptual meaning of 'Joseon' varied according to its subject of speech. The establishment of modern nation-state failed along with the extinction of Korean Empire, but 'Joseon' was newly discovered within national ideology. It became a historical concept in which the experience of the past and the expectation toward the future could be united. The so-called 'Joseon Studies' was only limited to intellectuals in the academic circle, but 'Joseon' embraced the articulations from more various social agents. Furthermore, it is only natural that 'Joseon Studies' should be interpreted within the historical semantics of 'Joseon', considering the connection between concept and discourse. In his The History of Joseon Civilization, An Hwak encompassed the history from the times of ancient mythology to the contemporary times under the banner of 'Joseon'. Opposing Japanese distortion of history carried out in the name of historical positivism, he idealized Joseon history as comparable to that of the Western democracy. He extended the study of 'Joseon' into culture at large, foreshadowing a kind of Joseon philosophy. In his An Overview of Joseon Philosophical Ideas, the first description of 'Joseon philosophy' as an independent field, he proposed philosophy as one of three sources of pride in Joseon and asserted its uniqueness and originality compared to the West. It was an attempt to grasp the peculiarity of Joseon ideas from a perspective of the history of universal human civilization. He considered 'Jong'(倧) as an ideological foundation held from the ancient to the modern times, and the acceptance of Buddhism and Confucianism as beneficial to 'Joseon philosophy'. The birth of 'Joseon philosophy', the modern transformation of the traditional knowledge system, was an intellectual experiment to apply traditional knowledge to the modern disciplinary classification system.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.179-188
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• 2020

Kenzo Tange was interested in how to express tradition in the process of creation of modern architecture and tried to express the traditionaluty of Japanese architecture in his own way. In particular, Tange expressed Japanese tradition in terms of building materials and components from the point of view of his own 'New Tradition'. Tange created the 'Japanese style of architecture' based on traditional architecture to match the discourse of international architecture and distinguish it from the Western one, by harmonizing the plasticity of Japanese traditional architecture with the Western technology in building materials and components. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the signs and traces of traditions in the building materials and components in his architecture. Through this study, I would like to have implications for our architecture, which had a very different process and result from Japan in digesting and combining it with traditional architecture although Western civilization was accepted at about the same time.