• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.157-184
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• 2018

The study has applied the four stage "Model of State Behavior in Crisis" to trace the post 9/11 crisis foreign policy decision making process in Pakistan. It argues that ominous attacks on the United States by al-Qaeda and subsequent declaration of President Bush to fight against terrorism transformed the global and regional politico-security dimensions at t1 stage. Being a neighboring country, Pakistan's support was inevitable in the war on terror and Washington applied coercive diplomacy to win the cooperation from Islamabad. Consequently, in case of decline to accept American demands, Pakistan perceived threat to basic values/objectives of the country and simultaneous time pressure amplified the psychological stress in decision makers at t2 stage. Therefore, the decisional forum was setup at t3 stage and Pakistan decided to join the United States at t4 stage, which defused the foreign policy crisis.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.55-66
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• 2019

For the past 66 years, the Korea-U.S. alliance has been a typical asymmetric alliance in which the U.S. supports South Korea's security during the Cold War and South Korea gives some of its policy autonomy to the U.S. But Lee Myung-bak government military alliance the 'comprehensive strategic alliance' of the character, 'value of alliance', Park Geun-hye ' a global, 'Frontier of cooperation', the government.'reciprocal, comprehensive alliance' Moon Jae-in, the government and partnerships developed with ' euroui the development of national security strategy said. The purpose of this study is to explore ways to build a reciprocal and comprehensive Korea-U.S. alliance for the development of the Korea-U.S. alliance policy in order to ensure South Korea's policy autonomy following changes in the Trump administration's alliance policy. The results of the research show the need for Korea to participate in the U.S.-led 'India-Pacific Strategy' continue diplomatic efforts for the mutual economic benefits of the two countries and strengthen public diplomacy in order to build the Korea-U.S. alliance in a reciprocal and comprehensive manner.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-25
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• 2013

For the Palestinians, what is the impact of the Arab Spring? The revolution not only dislodged Mubarak from the presidency, but also changed Egyptian policy regarding Palestinians in Gaza. New Egyptian diplomacy has encouraged Hamas and Fatah, which had been in dispute, to seek reconciliation and has loosened the border control on humanitarian grounds. We focus on Palestinian voting attitudes in the wake of the Arab Spring. Despite the vast quantity of literature written about Palestinian politics since the first decade of the millennium, we know little about the determinants of Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah government, in the West Bank, increased in popularity after submitting a request for UN recognition of Palestinian statehood. In Gaza, the Hamas government lost popularity because of mismanagement but won support through the success of its prisoner swap deal with Israel. However, evaluation of the ruling party does not depend only on one-time events. This research attempts to measure the impact of policy change in Gaza after the Arab Spring. We provide an account of our research on Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments based on two sets of the original survey data conducted in May 2009 and June 2012. The paper sheds light on Palestinian attitudes and makes clear the effects of "democratization" in the Middle East and the effects of regional context factors on the occupied Palestinians.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.78
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• pp.206-242
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• 2016

This study dealt with the U.S. government's book translation project as a part of its public diplomacy to gain the Korean people's 'minds and thoughts' in the midst of cultural Cold War from the end of World War II to the late 1950s. It was found that the U.S. book translation project was begun during the U.S. military occupation of South Korea, though with minimum efforts, and reached its peak in the late 1950s, In general, the purposes of the U.S. book translation project in South Korea was as follows: to emphasize the supremacy of American political and economic systems; to criticize the irrationality of communism and conflicts in the communist societies; to increase the Korean people's understanding of the U.S. foreign policies; to publicize the achievement of the U.S. people in the areas of arts, literature, and sciences. In the selection of books for translation, any ones were excluded which might contradict to U.S. foreign policy or impair U.S. images abroad. It must be noted that publications of a few Korean writers' books were supported by the project, if they were thought to be in service for its purposes. Even some Japanese books, which were produced by the U.S. book translation project in Japan, were utilized for the best effects of the project in South Korea. It may be conceded that the U.S. book translation project contributed a little bit to the compensation for the dearth of knowledge and information in South Korea at that time. However, the project may have distorted the Korean people's perspectives toward the U.S. and world, owing to the book selection in accordance with the U.S. government's policy guidance.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.93-112
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• 2014

As personal data breach reared up as a problem domestically and globally, organizations appointing chief privacy officers (CPOs) are increasing. Related Korean laws, 'Personal Data Protection Act' and 'the Act on Promotion of Information and Communication Network Utilization and Information Protection, etc.' require personal data processing organizations to appoint CPOs. Research on the characteristics and role of CPO is called for because of the importance of CPO being emphasized. There are many researches on top management's role and their impact on organizational performance using the Upper Echelon theory. This study investigates what influence the characteristics of CPO gives on the organizational privacy performance. CPO's definition varies depending on industry, organization size, required responsibility and power. This study defines CPO as 'a person who takes responsibility for all the duties on handling the organization's privacy,' This research assumes that CPO characteristics such as role, personality and background knowledge have an influence on the organizational privacy performance. This study applies the part relevant to the upper echelon's characteristics and performance of the executives (CEOs, CIOs etc.) for CPO. First, following Mintzberg and other managerial role classification, information, strategic, and diplomacy roles are defined as the role of CPO. Second, the "Big Five" taxonomy on individual's personality was suggested in 1990. Among these five personalities, extraversion and conscientiousness are drawn as the personality characteristics of CPO. Third, advance study suggests complex knowledge of technology, law and business is necessary for CPO. Technical, legal, and business background knowledge are drawn as the background knowledge of CPO. To test this model empirically, 120 samples of data collected from CPOs of domestic organizations are used. Factor analysis is carried out and convergent validity and discriminant validity were verified using SPSS and Smart PLS, and the causal relationships between the CPO's role, personality, background knowledge and the organizational privacy performance are analyzed as well. The result of the analysis shows that CPO's diplomacy role and strategic role have significant impacts on organizational privacy performance. This reveals that CPO's active communication with other organizations is needed. Differentiated privacy policy or strategy of organizations is also important. Legal background knowledge and technical background knowledge were also found to be significant determinants to organizational privacy performance. In addition, CPOs conscientiousness has a positive impact on organizational privacy performance. The practical implication of this study is as follows: First, the research can be a yardstick for judgment when companies select CPOs and vest authority in them. Second, not only companies but also CPOs can judge what ability they should concentrate on for development of their career relevant to their job through results of this research. Cultural social value, citizen's consensus on the right to privacy, expected CPO's role will change in process of time. In future study, long-term time-series analysis based research can reveal these changes and can also offer practical implications for government and private organization's policy making on information privacy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.181-212
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• 2018

In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.294-315
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• 2021

Since the division of South and North Korea in 1945, there has been little exchange in science and technology, despite some interchange in a few fields including the chemistry area. Accordingly, the difference in scientific and technological terminology between the two Koreas has become intensified. This is because North Korea carried out a campaign to purify the Korean language and blocked the inflow of foreign words. They also tried to convert into their own North Korean terms in many fields. This circumstance in North Korea aggravated the heterogeneity of inter-Korean scientific and technological terms. In particular, the heterogeneity of chemical terminology has worsened due to the different characteristics of the technology donor countries such as the United States and Japan in South Korea, and China and the Soviet Union in North Korea between the two Koreas and the different way of technological development. The purpose of this study is to collect chemical terminology data used in two Koreas and analyze similarities and differences. Through comparative analysis of inter-Korean terminology in the chemical field, it can be possible to recognize how the chemical terms between the two Koreas have changed since the division and the degree of heterogeneity based on different technical systems and language policies. The outcome of this study would present basic data on the unification of chemical terminology in preparation for before and after unification, and contribute to communication and academic exchange between researchers in the inter-Korean scientific and technological fields, including chemistry.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.63-88
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• 2019

The goal of this paper is to investigate changes in North Korea's domestic and foreign policies through automated text analysis over North Korea represented in South Korean mass media. Based on that data, we then analyze the status of text mining research, using a text mining technique to find the topics, methods, and trends of text mining research. We also investigate the characteristics and method of analysis of the text mining techniques, confirmed by analysis of the data. In this study, R program was used to apply the text mining technique. R program is free software for statistical computing and graphics. Also, Text mining methods allow to highlight the most frequently used keywords in a paragraph of texts. One can create a word cloud, also referred as text cloud or tag cloud. This study proposes a procedure to find meaningful tendencies based on a combination of word cloud, and co-occurrence networks. This study aims to more objectively explore the images of North Korea represented in South Korean newspapers by quantitatively reviewing the patterns of language use related to North Korea from 2016. 11. 1 to 2019. 5. 23 newspaper big data. In this study, we divided into three periods considering recent inter - Korean relations. Before January 1, 2018, it was set as a Before Phase of Peace Building. From January 1, 2018 to February 24, 2019, we have set up a Peace Building Phase. The New Year's message of Kim Jong-un and the Olympics of Pyeong Chang formed an atmosphere of peace on the Korean peninsula. After the Hanoi Pease summit, the third period was the silence of the relationship between North Korea and the United States. Therefore, it was called Depression Phase of Peace Building. This study analyzes news articles related to North Korea of the Korea Press Foundation database(www.bigkinds.or.kr) through text mining, to investigate characteristics of the Kim Jong-un regime's South Korea policy and unification discourse. The main results of this study show that trends in the North Korean national policy agenda can be discovered based on clustering and visualization algorithms. In particular, it examines the changes in the international circumstances, domestic conflicts, the living conditions of North Korea, the South's Aid project for the North, the conflicts of the two Koreas, North Korean nuclear issue, and the North Korean refugee problem through the co-occurrence word analysis. It also offers an analysis of South Korean mentality toward North Korea in terms of the semantic prosody. In the Before Phase of Peace Building, the results of the analysis showed the order of 'Missiles', 'North Korea Nuclear', 'Diplomacy', 'Unification', and ' South-North Korean'. The results of Peace Building Phase are extracted the order of 'Panmunjom', 'Unification', 'North Korea Nuclear', 'Diplomacy', and 'Military'. The results of Depression Phase of Peace Building derived the order of 'North Korea Nuclear', 'North and South Korea', 'Missile', 'State Department', and 'International'. There are 16 words adopted in all three periods. The order is as follows: 'missile', 'North Korea Nuclear', 'Diplomacy', 'Unification', 'North and South Korea', 'Military', 'Kaesong Industrial Complex', 'Defense', 'Sanctions', 'Denuclearization', 'Peace', 'Exchange and Cooperation', and 'South Korea'. We expect that the results of this study will contribute to analyze the trends of news content of North Korea associated with North Korea's provocations. And future research on North Korean trends will be conducted based on the results of this study. We will continue to study the model development for North Korea risk measurement that can anticipate and respond to North Korea's behavior in advance. We expect that the text mining analysis method and the scientific data analysis technique will be applied to North Korea and unification research field. Through these academic studies, I hope to see a lot of studies that make important contributions to the nation.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.44-72
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• 2021

This study analyses North and South Koreas' coverage as framed by the main Polish press titles from 1989 to 2019. The main method applied is a computational textual analysis of press articles based on frequency, correlations and co-occurrences. The purpose is to map the topics of the examined articles in the context of relations between Poland and the two Koreas in various areas, predominantly political and economic relations. Emphasis is placed on the impact the carmaker Daewoo's investment in Poland in the mid-1990s had on bilateral Polish-South Korean relations. First, the authors argue that Korean issues in the Polish press, mainly in the second half of the 1990s, particularly concerned economic affairs. Secondly, they argue that after Poland's accession to the European Union in 2004, the country's interest in the two Koreas decreased, and since that time has remained at a more or less constant level. Finally, the authors discuss the outcome of the research in the context of the main developments in Polish-Korean relations, taking into consideration the results of a Polish public opinion survey presenting the international linkages between national public opinion and foreign policy.