• STI Policy Review
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.85-110
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• 2015

Science and technology diplomacy has become an important policy agenda because of its diplomatic utility and enhancing of international science networks. However, different countries possess different objectives and governance of S&T diplomacy. In this context, this paper seeks to answer the following questions: what are the similarities and differences of S&T diplomacy in countries and what shapes these characteristics? To answer these questions, this paper conducts a comparative case study with five countries - Switzerland, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States - whose S&T diplomatic programs are highly recognized and benchmarked by other countries. A useful typology is devised to conduct a systematic comparison. For S&T diplomatic objectives, this paper suggests five types by elaborating concepts from the previous literature: access diplomacy, promotion diplomacy, public aid diplomacy, functional diplomacy, and global leadership diplomacy. Also, in terms of a governance model for S&T diplomacy, three models - a sciencecentered model, a science-outsourcing model and a top-down coordinating model - are suggested based on leadership organization. This paper reveals the different characteristics of the selected countries in S&T diplomacy. While the selected countries pursue almost every type of S&T diplomatic objective, the US and the UK tend to conduct influence-based diplomacy more than other countries do. In addition, different countries each have unique governance models for S&T diplomacy. While more research is necessary for vigorously testing the causes of different objectives and their relationship with governance models, this paper suggests more general policy implications throughout. The strength of the country's S&T base is fundamentally important for the success of S&T diplomacy. However, domestic S&T assets need to be transferred to its diplomatic capabilities. In this sense, the appropriate governance that fits best with the country's S&T mission should be established, while S&T communities should increasingly play a leadership role in evolving global S&T networks.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제18권5호
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• pp.139-144
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• 2020

ICT기반의 인프라가 구축되면서 세계 많은 국가들의 네트워크가 활발하게 이어지는 가운데 외교 활동도 이전까지의 전통외교와는 차별화된 다양한 외교양식으로 진화되고 있다. 특히 그 과정에서 정부 이외의 주체와 새로운 외교영역을 중심으로 하는 공공외교의 활동이 가속화되는 양상을 보이고 있다. 본 연구는 새로운 외교양식의 대표적 유형으로 등장한 공공외교의 현황을 파악하고 글로벌 거버넌스의 활성화를 위한 정책적 함의를 도출하였다. 각 주체별 다양한 외교활동의 주요 내용을 중심으로 생성된 데이터를 통해 현황 분석을 시도하고 공공외교의 트랜드를 토대로 방향성을 모색하였다. 외교의 주체가 더욱 더 다양해지고 있고, 무엇보다 외교 수단의 변화로 인해 세계무대를 토대로 다각적인 활동들이 이어지고 있다. 무엇보다 국민들 모두가 민간외교의 역할을 수행하는 모습을 보이고 있고, 지방정부 차원의 역할과 역량도 더 강해지고 있음을 파악하였다. 공공외교의 활성화를 위해 글로벌 거버넌스구축이 필요하며, 공공외교의 역할과 다양한 주제로 확장하여 지원정책이 지속될 필요가 있다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.145-164
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• 2017

In the 21^st century, the growing use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and social media platforms has influenced our way of life, including international diplomacy. With the use of new interactive communication technologies such as WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, video sharing website, blogs, and other social media networks, digital diplomacy has become an active diplomatic mode in modern society and plays an increasing important role in international relations. Although Indonesia has gradually realized the pivotal role of internet diplomacy and recently put it into practice, it is still lagging far behind. This paper will examine how Indonesia conducts its diplomacy in the new era of digital world. How far and in what ways does the Indonesian government make use of digital technology to conduct its diplomacy? What opportunities and challenges are confronted to develop digital diplomacy? How does it navigate diplomacy in the digital age? Unless Indonesia embraces new channels and methods of diplomacy, its foreign policy implementation may not run optimally to support its aim of attaining its objectives in the international stage.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.53-68
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• 2023

최근 국제정세는 신냉전으로 불릴 만큼 극심한 진영 간 대립의 양상을 보여주고 있다. 진영을 구분하는 요소로 가치와 규범이 강조되고 있지만 실제 갈등은 단순하게 이념과 가치에만 기반을 두기 보다는 훨씬 복잡하고 다층적인 양상을 나타내고 있다. 이러한 상황 속에서 우리 정부는 제2차 공공외교 기본계획(2023~2027)을 수립했다. 본 연구는 제1차 공공외교 기본계획과 제2차 기본계획을 비교하고 있으며, 이를 통해 바람직한 한국 공공외교의 방향에 대해 논의하고 있다. 제2차 기본계획은 지식공공외교와 정책공공외교 측면에서 더욱 확장된 내용을 포함하고 있으며, 공공외교의 수단으로서 디지털 공공외교를 강조하는 등 발전적인 내용들을 담고 있지만, 정책공공외교의 일부인 가치와 규범에 대해 명확한 내용을 제시하지 못하고 있다. 가치와 규범은 최근 국제정치의 주요 요인이지만 우리에게 중요한 국가들을 배제할 수도 있기 때문에, 글로벌 보편 가치를 설정하고 이를 추구하는 것이 정책공공외교의 주요 목표가 되어야 한다. 대립하고 갈등하는 국제정세 속에서 우리의 공공외교가 바람직한 방향으로 추진될 수 있도록 더욱 정교하고 세심한 계획 수립이 필요하다.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.136-142
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• 2022

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.28-42
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• 2022

The aim of this article is to rethink the role of international trade as a public diplomacy tool by considering the uncertainties that stem from political tensions. The main contribution made in this article is theoretical rather than statistical. However, we analyze trade and public opinion data to study the relationship between both factors. Using Latinobarometer, a cross-sectional survey that collects public opinion data from Latin America, this article analyses public opinion toward the United States and China. One of the main takeaways from this study is that, despite its potential to showcase political stability, public diplomacy undervalues 'unintended consequences' of international trade relations. This article takes up international trade as an unintended, but arguably effective, resource to be developed for the practice of public diplomacy. Findings presented in this article do not claim causation between trade and opinion, something that can be explored by further research, but rather introduce new questions for further research on the public diplomacy of trade relations.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권1호
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• pp.31-42
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• 2020

There is great confusion over what constitutes public diplomacy (PD), who its actors are, and the relevance of non-state actors. In the Korean context, in addition to the general fuzziness of the concept, linguistic peculiarities of the terms gonggong and gongjung both of which refer to public, waegyo, which is interchangeably used for international affairs, foreign policy and diplomacy, and juche which is simultaneously used for actor and agent, add more layers of confusion. While the term PD in Korea is based almost entirely on Western conceptualization, these linguistic peculiarities prevent fruitful conversations among scholars and practitioners on PD. Against this background, this research note explores and addresses conceptual ambiguities that pertains to PD and the policy discourse on the topic, particularly on non-state PD in Korea. The paper draws on Korean government's PD-related policy documents and Diplomatic White Papers and all relevant academic articles found in Korean-language journals registered in the Korean Citation Index (KCI), which are analysed to gain an understanding of the PD-related policy discourse in Korea.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.171-200
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• 2023

This research aims to analyze the external activities of local governments in South Korea from the perspective of the developing trends in city diplomacy, contrary to the conventional and narrow concept regarding local government's international exchange and cooperation as a public diplomacy. In detail, this research intends to illustrate the following: first, to differentiate South Korean local governments' growing commitment to international affairs from public diplomacy; second, to highlight the integration of public diplomacy with other forms of diplomacy within the framework of city diplomacy. This research argues that city diplomacy in South Korea has gradually shown the following three trends and characteristics. First, South Korean local governments have recognized the importance of participating in multilateral diplomacy via city networks to find compelling solutions to non-traditional and transnational security threats. They perceive this external activity as an opportunity for policy sharing and problem-solving with foreign partners. Second, local governments in South Korea have been fostering various ways to institutionalize their involvement in foreign affairs and organizations, such as amendments to related laws and the launching of task forces, to pursue so-called sustainable and systematic international exchange and cooperation. Lastly, South Korean local governments have constructed multiple channels and multilevel governance in the form of public-private partnerships to enhance policy expertise and cope with diverse agendas.

• Strategy21
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• 통권33호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2014

This article aims to analyze the diplomatic challenges currently facing China as well as the foreign policy the Xi Jinping administration is adopting to address them. With these purposes in mind, it will look into three areas: first, diplomatic tasks confronting the Xi leadership; second, foreign policy that the Xi administration has implemented since the 18th Party Congress in 2012; and third, the prospects for China's foreign policy under the Xi leadership. As the Xi Jinping administration entered into office, it has encountered two major diplomatic challenges. One is the searching for a new foreign policy, and the other the restructuring of the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. The Xi administration, during its first year in office, has responded actively to tackle these issues. To begin with, it has attempted to make some adjustments on foreign policy while maintaining the Deng Xiaoping line of foreign policy. One of these modifications is placing emphasis on national "core interest," as illustrated by changes in guideline for maritime conflicts, pushing for building maritime power, and proclamation of Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea. Second is the decision on the new guideline for peripheral diplomacy. That is, the administration regarded creating peaceful and stable environments to realize "Chinese Dream" as an important goal of foreign policy, and proposed such new guiding ideology as "familiarity, integrity, benefit, and accommodation." In additoin, the Xi administration restructured the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. Establishing the Central State Security Committee and the Internet Leading Small Group (LSG) are cases in point. As comprehensive organizations for policy coordination that encompass party, government, and military, the two LSGs are in charge of enacting related policies and fine-tuning policy implementation, based upon leadership consisting of chiefs of each relevant organs. Moreover, since Xi himself became the chief of these two newly-found organs, the conditions under which these LSGs could demonstrate unified leadership and adjusting role in its implementation of military, diplomatic, and security policies were developed. The future Chinese diplomacy will be characterized with three main trends. First, peripheral diplomacy will be reinforced. The peripheral diplomacy has become far more important since the Work Conference on Peripheral Diplomacy in October 2013. Second, economic diplomacy will be strengthened with an eye on reducing the "China Threat Theory," which still exists in Asia. Third, the policies to isolate the Philippines and Japan will continue in regard to maritime disputes. All in all, Chinese diplomacy in the Xi Jinping era is likely to feature practical diplomacy which combines both hard and soft approaches to best realize Chinese national interest.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.97-115
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• 2022

What is the relationship between city diplomacy and public diplomacy in the United States? Whilst this question is often raised among scholars and practitioners of public diplomacy, a concrete and systematic response to it seems difficult to locate. This paper addresses the question by relying on earlier research based on empirical analysis of data from semi-structured interviews with city officials with international purview in the United States as well as with current and former officials at the U.S. Department of State who have worked on topics related to city diplomacy. The research and analysis that informs this paper and the diagrams it offers are hinged on design principles and adopt an architecture studio style approach to data analysis. Further, multidimensional scaling and correspondence analysis are used to visualize the convergence and divergence between the functions of public diplomacy, as introduced by Nicholas Cull, and the functions of city diplomacy that this paper introduces. This is done to first, provide a framework for understanding the dynamics between city diplomacy and public diplomacy; and second, uncover the policy intervention space that could guide policies for making U.S. city diplomacy and public diplomacy more strategically aligned.