The Treatment of Night Soil using Bacillus sp. (Bacillus sp.를 이용한 분뇨처리)
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- Journal of Life Science
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- v.12 no.6
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- pp.700-707
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- 2002
To study the characteristics of organic and nutrient removal by Bacillus species at high COD concentration of influent, three lab-scale batch reactors(R1, R2, R3), each of which has different substrate composition, were operated. More than 95% of
The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.
Studies were carried out to investigate the main fermentation microorganisms and their flora changes during Korean native soy-sauce fermentation. Korean native Maeju loaves collected from 5 Do's were separated into surface and inner parts. Four different soy-sauces-the surface part Maeju fermented soy-sauce, the inner part, the surface and inner part combined Maeju fermented soy-sauce, and the semi-Japanese type soy-sauce were fermented and the changes of fermentation microorganism flora and the various chemical components during the period of their fermentations were studied. Besides, 14 home-made soy-sauces collected from 14 different places all over Korea were examined in comparison with the laboratory soy-sauces and to determine the characteristics of Korean native soy-sauce. The results were as follows: 1. The main microorganisms in Korean native soy-sauce fermentation were determined as; Aerobic bacteria: Bacillus subtilis, Bacillus pumilus Lactic acid bacteria: Pediococcus halophilus, Leuconostoc mesenteroides Yeasts: Torulopsis datila, Saccharomyces rouxii 2. Microflora changes during Korean native soy-sauce fermentation were as follows; Aerobic bacteria increased until the 2nd week of fermentation and then gradually decreased. The lactic acid bacteria increased until the 3rd week, after which decreased. When the lactic acid fermentation lowered the pH value to below the 5.4, yeasts were able to grow and participate the fermentation. As the production of organic acids amounted, to a certain height, the growth of all microorganisms lead to the period of decline or death at about the 2nd month of fermentation. After boiling of soy-sauce most microorganisms except a few of Bacillus sp. disappeared. Occosionally yeasts and lactic acid bacteria survived depending upon the composition of soy-sauce. 3. Changes of general chemical components influencing the microflora were investigated for the period of Korean native soy-sauce fermentation. Tetal acidity, salt concentration and total nitrogen were increasing steadily over the entire period of fermentation. pH values were dropping to a certain degree of about 4.5. Salt concentration and pH value seemed to be the important factors influencing the microflora. 4. The microflora were influenced by chemical components of soy-sauce. Aerobic bacteria were able to survive in all soy-sauce as they made spores. Growth of lactic acid bacteria was inhited at 23-26% of salt concentration and pH 4.8. Soy-sauce yeasts started to grow only at pH below 5.4 and seemed to be inhibited at around 26% of salt concentration under pH 4.5-4.7. 5. The open kettle boiling of soy-sauce, the characteristic process of Korean native soy-sauce manufacturing, was effective to sterilize microorganisms, increase the salt concentration, and coagulate proteins. 6. The average viable cell counts of microorganism found in collected samples of home-made Korean native soy-sauces were; Aerobic bacteria:
The central aim of this thesis is to see if the structure of Palsangjeon(捌相殿) in Pubjoo Temple(法住寺), a five sto wooden pagoda in Chosen(朝鮮) Dynasty, was handed down from the ancient and middle ages. This study was performed through an analysis of Gilt-Bronze Pagoda built in Koryo(高麗) period. In other words, it is aimed at analyzing which lineage the structure of Palsangjeonbelongs to as a wooden pagoda. In analyzing the structure of Palsangjeon, I attempted to find out its source from the remains of Koryo period prior to the Chosen Dynasty. Examples are the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda, built during the Koryo period. I have also examined its relationship with other existing wooden pagodas and remains. The analysis of Palsangjeon, a five story wooden pagoda in Chosen Dynasty, focuses on the following: First, I explored the possibilities of whether the structure of Palsangjeon was newly invented in Chosen Dynasty, or if it had been derived from the wooden pagodas in the Koryo period. Secondly, I tried to find out if the stable vertical planes, with a great successive diminution ratio, were derived from the middle age, i.e. Koryo period. The results of the study of Palsangjeon through Gilt-Bronze Pagoda analysis are as follows: 1. The structure of Gilt-Bronze Pagoda, a wooden pagoda from the Koryo period, is roughly classified into the accumulation type, using pipe pillars, and the one story type using whole pillars. In the accumulation type, stories are connected in either a flat format or an intervening format. The Gilt-Bronze Pagoda is mainly composed of pipe pillars, with some whole pillars. However, the central pillar was omitted in the building structure. Generally, the upper and lower stories are connected by pipe pillars in a crutch format. All the pillars, whether they are pipe pillars or whole pillars, used Naiten(內轉) technology. The Eave supporter has the Haang type(下昻) and the Muhaang type(無下昻). In most cases, high balustrades are furnished, but few tables of high balustrades have been found. The slanting roof formats have been handed down from Paekche(百濟), Silla(新羅), or Koryo(高麗). However, the structure of the octagon is assumed to be derived from Koguryo(高句麗). The structure of the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda from the Koryo period is mainly composed of accumulated flat squares, with some spire types. intervening format, the structure of Palsangjeon used whole pillars in a half story format in which upper level side pillars are installed on the lower level tie beam. From the Bronze Pagoda from the Koryo period, we can assume that the half story format of wooden pagodas that has stable vertical planes with a great successive diminution ratio was created during the mid-Koryo period at the latest and had been idly developed by the time of the Chosen Dynasty. 3. The whole pillars in Palsangjeon are also found in Gilt-Bronze Pagodas from the Koryo period. Hence, all of the pillars in Palsangjeon seem to have been handed down from the ancient construction technology. They were also used in the construction of wooden pagodas from the Koryo period. Therefore, it is assumed that Palsangjeon was constructed using the construction technology of the Chosen Dynasty that had been developed from the wooden pagoda construction technology of the Koryo period. The stable vertical planes with a great successive diminution ratio in Palsangjeon are derived from ancient Korean wooden pagodas, which have developed into indigenous Korean wooden pagodas with fairly stable vertical planes and a great design, in the half story format of Koryo and Chosen Dynasty. Therefore, it is assumed that the structure of Palsangjeon has a systematic relationship with traditional Korean wooden pagodas and is one of the indigenous Korean wooden pagoda structures. 4. In China, the intervening format has been mainly used between stories in multi-story architecture since the ancient days. At the same time, the flat format as also used in ancient and middle ages. However, the flat format was replaced by whole pillars during the Ming(明) and Manchu(淸) Dynasties, in favor of simple and compact construction. The half-story format, in which upper level side pillars are installed on tie beams, has been found in some cases, but it doesn't seem to have been the primary construction technology. Few traces of the half-story format have been found in multi-story architecture in Japan, and it has not been used as a general construction format. By contrast, the half-story format, which seems to have been derived from the Koryo period, was used as a general construction format in multi-story architecture of the Chosen Dynasty. The construction technology of multi-story architecture is related to that of multi-story wooden pagodas, but they have different production technologies. It seems that the structure of Palsangjeon did not just adopt the construction technology of multi-story architecture in the Chosen Dynasty, but it was developed from wooden pagodas in the Koryo period, including the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda. 5. Since the ancient days, most Chinese and Japanese wooden pagodas have adopted an accumulation type of structure using pipe pillars, with accumulated pointed towers. On the other hand, though most Korean wooden pagodas have also adopted an accumulation type of structure from the ancientdays, one story type using whole pillars was created in the Koryo and Chosen Dynasties. The wooden pagoda structure of Palsangjeon, with stable vertical planes in a half story format, is a unique Korean construction technology, different from the construction technologies of Chinese and Japanese wooden pagodas. This thesis clearly determined the structural characteristics of Palsangjeon. However, various remains have yet to be analyzed in depth, to establish an accurate construction technology system. In the beginning of this thesis, I had difficulty in precisely interpreting the internal structure of the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda from its appearance. However, in the process of study, the more serious problem was that there are few remains or ruins of multi-story architecture in ancient and the middle ages of Korea. Therefore, it is urgent to discover various remains in the future. This thesis succeeded in determining the structural characteristics of Palsangjeon. However, it fell short of clarifying the structural lineage of the stable vertical planes, although they show indigenous Korean architectural taste, representing the unique national emotion, and the construction format of multi-story wooden pagodas in Korea. I hope this is clarified in the future research.
Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.
These studies were made at Suwon in 1972 and at Suwon, Iri, and Kwangju in 1973 to investigate grain filling process and variation of grain quality of NB 68513 and Caprock as hard red winter wheat, Suke ＃169 as soft red winter wheat variety and Yungkwang as semi-hard winter variety, grown under-three different fertilizer levels and seeding dates. Other experiments were conducted to find the effects of temperature, humidity and light intensity on the grain filling process and grain quality of Yungkwang and NB 68513 wheat varieties. These, experiments were conducted at Suwon in 1973 and 1974. 1. Grain filling process of wheat cultivars: 1) The frequency distribution of a grain weight shows that wider distribution of grain weight was associated with large grain groups rather than small grain group. In the large grain groups, the frequency was mostly concentrated near mean value, while the frequency was dispersed over the values in the small grain group. 2) The grain weight was more affected by the grain thickness and width than by grain length. 3) The grain weight during the ripening period was rapidly increased from 14 days after flowering to 35 days in Yungkwang and from 14 days after flowering to 28 days in NB 68513. The large grain group, Yungkwang was rather slowly increased and took a longer period in increase of endosperm ratio of grain than the small grain group, NB 68513. 4) In general, the 1, 000 grain weight was reduced under high temperature, low humidity, while it was increased under low temperature and high humidity condition, and under high temperature and humidity condition. The effect of shading on grain weight was greater in high temperature than in low temperature condition and no definite tendency was found in high humidity condition. 5) The effects of temperature, humidity and shading on 1, 000 grain weight were greater in large-grain group, Yungkwang than in small grain group, NB 68513. Highly significant positive correlation was found between 1, 000 grain weight and days to ripening. 6) The 1, 000 grain weight and test weight were increased more or less as the fertilizer levels applied were increased. However, the rate of increasing 1, 000 grain weight was low when fertilizer levels were increased from standard to double. The 1, 000 grain weight was high when planted early. Such tendency was greater in Suwon than in Kwangju or Iri area. 2. Milling quality: 7) The milling rate in a same group of varieties was higher under the condition of low temperature, high humidity and early maturing culture which were responsible for increasing 1, 000 grain weight. No definite relations were found along with locations. 8) In the varieties tested, the higher milling rate was found in large grain variety, Yungkwang, and the lowest milling rate was obtained from Suke ＃ 169, the small grain variety. But the small grained hard wheat variety such as Caprock and NB 68513 showed higher milling rate compared with the soft wheat variety, Suke ＃ 169. 9) There were no great differences of ash content due to location, fertilizer level and seeding date while remarkable differences due to variety were found. The ash content was high in the hard wheat varieties such as NB 68513, Caprock and low in soft wheat varieties such as Yungkwang and Suke ＃ 169. 3. Protein content: 10) The protein content was increased under the condition of high temperature, low humidity and shading, which were responsible for reduction of 1, 000 grain weight. The varietal differences of protein content due to high temperature, low humidity and shading conditions were greater in Yungkwang than in NB 68513. 11) The high content of protein in grain within one to two weeks after flowering might be due to the high ratio of pericarp and embryo to endosperm. As grains ripen, the effects of embryo and pericarp on protein content were decreased, reducing protein content. However, the protein content was getting increased from three or four weeks after flowering, and maximized at seven weeks after flowering. The protein content of grain at three to four weeks after flowering increased as the increase of 1, 000 grain weight. But the protein content of matured grain appeared to be affected by daily temperature on calender rather than by duration of ripening period. 12) Highly significant positive correlation value was found between the grain protein content and flour protein content. 13) The protein content was increased under the high level of fertilizers and late seeding. The local differences of protein content were greater in Suwon than in Kwangju and Iri. 14) Protein content in the varieties tested were high in Yungkwang, NB 68513 and Caprock, and low in Suke ＃ 169. However, variation in protein content due to the cultural methods was low in Suke ＃ 169. 15) Protein yield per unit area was increased in accordance with increase of fertilizer levels and early maturing culture. However, nitrogen fertilizer was utilized rather effectively in early maturing culture and Yungkwang was the highest in protein yield per unit area. 4. Physio-chemical properties of wheat flour: 16) Sedimentation value was higher under the conditions of high temperature, low humidity and high levels of fertilizers than under the conditions of low temperature, high moisture and low levels of fertilizers. Such differences of sedimentation values were more apparent in NB 68513 and Caprock than Yungkwang and Suke ＃ 169. The local difference of sedimentation value was greater in Suwon than in Kwangju and Iri. Even though the sedimentation value was highly correlated with protein content of grain, the high humidity was considered one of the factors affecting sedimentation value. 17) Changes of Pelshenke values due to the differences of cultural practices and locations were generally coincident with sedimentation values. 18) The mixing time required for mixogram was four to six minutes in NB 68513, five to seven minutes in Cap rock. The great variation of mixing time for Yungkwang and Suke ＃ 169 due to location and planting conditions was found. The mixing height and area were high in hard wheat than in soft wheat. Variation of protein content due to cultural methods were inconsistent. However, the pattern of mixogram were very much same regardless the treatments applied. With this regard, it could be concluded that the mixogram is a kind of method expressing the specific character of the variety. 19) Even though the milling property of NB 68513 and Caprock was deteriorated under either high temperature and low humidity of high fertilizer levels and late seeding conditions, baking quality was better due to improved physio-chemical properties of flour. In contrast, early maturing culture deteriorated physio-chemical properties, milling property of grain and grain protein yield per unit area was increased. However, it might be concluded that the hard wheat production of NB 68513 and Caprock for baking purpose could be done better in Suwon than in Iri or Kwangju area. 5. Interrelationships between the physio-chemical characters of wheat flour: 20) Physio-chemical properties of flour didn't have direct relationship with milling rate and ash content. Low grain weight produced high protein content and better physio-chemical flour properties. 21) In hard wheat varieties like NB 68513 and Caprock, protein content was significantly correlated with sedimentation value, Pelshenke value and mixing height. However, gluten strength and baking quality were improved by the increased protein content. In Yungkwang and Suk ＃ 169, protein content was correlated with sedimentation value, but no correlations were found with Pelshenke value and mixing height. Consequently, increase of protein content didn't improve the gluten strength in soft wheat. 22) The highly significant relationships between protein content and gluten strength and sedimentation . value, and between Pelshenke value, mixogram and gluten strength indicated that the determination of mixogram and Pelshenke value are useful for de terming soft and hard type of varieties. Determination of sedimentation value is considered useful method for quality evaluation of wheat grain under different cultural practices.
There is a general tendency to increase nitrogen level in rice production to insure an increased yield. On the other hand, percentage of ripened grains is getting decreased with such an increased fertilizer level. Decreasing of the percentage is one of the important yield limiting factors. Especially the newly developed rice variety, 'Tongil' is characterized by a relatively low percentage of ripened grains as compared with the other leading varieties. Therefore, these studies were aimed to finding out of some measures for the improvement of ripening in rice. The studies had been carried out in the field and in the phytotron during the period of three years from 1970 to 1972 at the Crop Experiment Station in Suwon. The results obtained from the experiments could be summarized as follows: 1. The spikelet of Tongil was longer in length, more narrow in width, thinner in thickness, smaller in the volume of grains and lighter in grain weight than those of Jinheung. The specific gravity of grain was closely correlated with grain weight and the relationship with thickness, width and length was getting smaller in Jinheung. On the other hand, Tongil showed a different pattern from Jinheung. The relationship of the specific gravity with grain weight was the greatest and followed by that with the width, thickness and length, in order. 2. The distribution of grain weight selected by specific gravity was different from one variety to another. Most of grains of Jinheung were distributed over the specific gravity of 1.12 with its peak at 1.18, but many of grains of Tongil were distributed below 1.12 with its peak at 1.16. The brown/rough rice ratio was sharply declined below the specific gravity of 1.06 in Jinheung, but that of Tongil was not declined from the 1.20 to the 0.96. Accordingly, it seemed to be unfair to make the specific gravity criterion for ripened grains at 1.06 in the Tongil variety. 3. The increasing tendency of grain weight after flowering was different depending on varieties. Generally speaking, rice varieties originated from cold area showed a slow grain weight increase while Tongil was rapid except at lower temperature in late ripening stage. 4. In the late-tillered culms or weak culms, the number of spikelets was small and the percentage of ripened grains was low. Tongil produced more late-tillered culms and had a longer flowering duration especially at lower temperature, resulting in a lower percentage of ripened grains. 5. The leaf blade of Tongil was short, broad and errect, having light receiving status for photosynthesis was better. The photosynthetic activity of Tongil per unit leaf area was higher than that of Jinheung at higher temperature, but lower at lower temperature. 6. Tongil was highly resistant to lodging because of short culm length, and thick lower-internodes. Before flowering, Tongil had a relatively higher amount of sugars, phosphate, silicate, calcium, manganese and magnesium. 7. The number of spikelets of Tongil was much more than that of Jinheung. The negative correlation was observed between the number of spikelets and percentage of ripened grains in Jinheung, but no correlation was found in Tongil grown at higher temperature. Therefore, grain yield was increased with increased number of spikelets in Tongil. Anthesis was not occurred below 21
For the purpose of establishing the systematized technical scheme of the cooperative rice cultivation which has most significant impact to improve rice productivity and the farm management, the author have studied the cultivation practices, and the variation of rice growth and yield between the cooperative rice cultivation and the individual rice cultivation at random selected 18 paddy fields. The author also have investigated through comparative method on the cultivation practices, management, organization and operation scheme of the two different rice cultivation methods at 460 paddy fields. The economic feasibility has been ana lysed and added in this report. The results obtained from this study are summarized as follows; 1. In the nursery, the average amount of fertilizer application, especially, phosphate and potassium, and the frequency of chemicals spray for the disease, insect and pest control at the cooperative rice cultivation are significantly higher than those of the individual rice cultivation. 2. The cultivation techniques of the cooperative rice farming after the transplanting can be characterized by a) the earlier transplanting of rice, b) the denser hills per unit area and the lesser number of seedlings per hill, c) the application of larger quantities of fertilizer including nitrogen, phosphate and potassium, d) more divided application of fertilizers, split doses of the nitrogen and potassium, e) the increased frequencies of the chemicals spray for the prevention of disease, insect and pest damages. 3. The rate of lodging in the cooperative rice cultivation was slightly higher than that of the individual rice cultivation, however, the losses of rice yield owing to the occurrence of rice stem borer and grass leaf roller in the cooperative rice cultivation were lower than that of the individual rice cultivation. 4. The culm length, panicle length, straw weight and grain-straw ratio are respectively higher at the cooperative rice cultivation, moreover, the higher variation of the above factors due to different localities of the paddy fields found at the individual rice cultivation. 5. The number of panicles, number of flowers per panicle and the weight of 1, 000 grains, those contributing components to the rice yield were significantly greater in the cooperative rice cultivation, however, not clear difference in the maturing rate was observed. The variation coefficient of the yield component in the cooperative cultivation showed lower than that or the individual rice cultivation. 6. The average yield of brown rice per 10 are in the cooperative rice cultivation obtained 459.0 kilograms while that of the individual rice cultivation brought 374.8 kilograms. The yield of brown rice in the cooperative rice cultivation increased 84.2 kilogram per 10 are over the individual rice cultivation. With lower variation coefficient of the brown rice yield in the cooperative rice cultivation, it can be said that uniformed higher yield could be obtained through the cooperative rice cultivation. 7. Highly significant positive correlations shown between the seeding date and the number of flowers per panicle, the chemical spray and the number of flowers per panicle, the transplanting date and the number of flowers per panicle, phosphate application and yield, potassium application and maturing rate, the split application of fertilizers and yield. Whilst the significant negative correlation was shown between the transplanting date and the maturing rate 8. The results of investigation from 480 paddy fields obtained through comparative method on the following items are identical in general with those obtained at 18 paddy fields: Application of fertilizers, chemical spray for the control of disease, insects and pests both in the nursery and the paddy field, transplanting date, transplanting density, split application of fertilizers and yield n the paddy fields. a) The number of rice varieties used in the cooperative rice cultivation were 13 varieties while the individual rice cultivation used 47 varieties. b) The cooperative rice cultivation has more successfully adopted improved cultivation techniques such as the practice of seed disinfection, adoption of recommended seeding amount, fall ploughing, application of red soil, introduction of power tillers, the rectangular-type transplanting, midsummer drainage and the periodical irrigation. 9. The following results were also obtained from the same investigation and they are: a) In the cooperative rice cultivation, the greater part of the important practices have been carried out through cooperative operation including seed disinfection, ploughing, application of red soil and compost, the control of disease, insects and pests, harvest, threshing and transportation of the products. b) The labor input to the nursery bed and water control in the cooperative rice cultivation was less than that of the individual rice cultivation while the higher rate of labor input was resulted in the red soil and compost application. 10. From the investigation on the organization and operation scheme of the cooperative rice cultivation, the following results were obtained: a) The size of cooperative rice cultivation farm was varied from. 3 ha to 7 ha and 5 ha farm. occupied 55.9 percent of the total farms. And a single cooperative farm was consisted of 10 to 20 plots of paddies. b) The educational back ground of the staff members involved in the cooperative rice cultivation was superior than that of the individual rice cultivation. c) All of the farmers who participated to the questionaires have responded that the cooperative rice cultivation could promise the increased rice yield mainly through the introduction of the improved method of fertilizer application and the effective control of diseases, insects and pests damages. And the majority of farmers were also in the opinion that preparation of the materials and labor input can be timely carried out and the labor requirement for the rice cultivation possibly be saved through the cooperative rice cultivation. d) The farmers who have expressed their wishes to continue and to make further development of the cooperative rice cultivation was 74.5 percent of total farmers participated to the questionaires. 11. From the analysis of economical feasibility on the two different methods of cultivation, the following results were obtained: a) The value of operation cost for the compost, chemical fertilizers, agricultural chemicals and labor input in the cooperative rice cultivation was respectively higher by 335 won, 199 won, 288 won and 303 won over the individual rice cultivation. However, the other production costs showed no distinct differences between the two cultivation methods. b) Although the total value of expenses for the fertilizers, agricultural chemicals, labor input and etc. in the cooperative rice cultivation were approximately doubled to the amount of the individual rice cultivation, the net income, substracted operation costs from the gross income, was obtained 24, 302 won in the cooperative rice cultivation and 20, 168 won was obtained from the individual rice cultivation. Thereby, it can be said that net income from the cooperative rice cultivation increased 4, 134 won over the individual rice cultivation. It was revealed in this study that the cooperative rice cultivation has not only contributed to increment of the farm income through higher yield but also showed as an effective means to introduce highly improved cultivation techniques to the farmers. It may also be concluded, therefore, the cooperative rice cultivation shall continuously renovate the rice production process of the farmers.
This paper describes a collaborative project between academia and industry which focused on improving the marketing and product development strategies for two private label apparel brands of a large regional department store chain in the southeastern United States. The goal of the project was to revitalize product lines of the two brands by incorporating student ideas for new solutions, thereby giving the students practical experience with a real-life industry situation. There were a number of key players involved in the project. A privately-owned department store chain based in the southeastern United States which was seeking an academic partner had recognized a need to update two existing private label brands. They targeted middle-aged consumers looking for casual, moderately priced merchandise. The company was seeking to change direction with both packaging and presentation, and possibly product design. The branding and product development divisions of the company contacted professors in an academic department of a large southeastern state university. Two of the professors agreed that the task would be a good fit for their classes - one was a junior-level Intermediate Brand Management class; the other was a senior-level Fashion Product Development class. The professors felt that by working collaboratively on the project, students would be exposed to a real world scenario, within the security of an academic learning environment. Collaboration within an interdisciplinary team has the advantage of providing experiences and resources beyond the capabilities of a single student and adds "brainpower" to problem-solving processes (Lowman 2000). This goal of improving the capabilities of students directed the instructors in each class to form interdisciplinary teams between the Branding and Product Development classes. In addition, many universities are employing industry partnerships in research and teaching, where collaboration within temporal (semester) and physical (classroom/lab) constraints help to increase students' knowledge and experience of a real-world situation. At the University of Tennessee, the Center of Industrial Services and UT-Knoxville's College of Engineering worked with a company to develop design improvements in its U.S. operations. In this study, Because should be lower case b with a private label retail brand, Wickett, Gaskill and Damhorst's (1999) revised Retail Apparel Product Development Model was used by the product development and brand management teams. This framework was chosen because it addresses apparel product development from the concept to the retail stage. Two classes were involved in this project: a junior level Brand Management class and a senior level Fashion Product Development class. Seven teams were formed which included four students from Brand Management and two students from Product Development. The classes were taught the same semester, but not at the same time. At the beginning of the semester, each class was introduced to the industry partner and given the problem. Half the teams were assigned to the men's brand and half to the women's brand. The teams were responsible for devising approaches to the problem, formulating a timeline for their work, staying in touch with industry representatives and making sure that each member of the team contributed in a positive way. The objective for the teams was to plan, develop, and present a product line using merchandising processes (following the Wickett, Gaskill and Damhorst model) and develop new branding strategies for the proposed lines. The teams performed trend, color, fabrication and target market research; developed sketches for a line; edited the sketches and presented their line plans; wrote specifications; fitted prototypes on fit models, and developed final production samples for presentation to industry. The branding students developed a SWOT analysis, a Brand Measurement report, a mind-map for the brands and a fully integrated Marketing Report which was presented alongside the ideas for the new lines. In future if the opportunity arises to work in this collaborative way with an existing company who wishes to look both at branding and product development strategies, classes will be scheduled at the same time so that students have more time to meet and discuss timelines and assigned tasks. As it was, student groups had to meet outside of each class time and this proved to be a challenging though not uncommon part of teamwork (Pfaff and Huddleston, 2003). Although the logistics of this exercise were time-consuming to set up and administer, professors felt that the benefits to students were multiple. The most important benefit, according to student feedback from both classes, was the opportunity to work with industry professionals, follow their process, and see the results of their work evaluated by the people who made the decisions at the company level. Faculty members were grateful to have a "real-world" case to work with in the classroom to provide focus. Creative ideas and strategies were traded as plans were made, extending and strengthening the departmental links be tween the branding and product development areas. By working not only with students coming from a different knowledge base, but also having to keep in contact with the industry partner and follow the framework and timeline of industry practice, student teams were challenged to produce excellent and innovative work under new circumstances. Working on the product development and branding for "real-life" brands that are struggling gave students an opportunity to see how closely their coursework ties in with the real-world and how creativity, collaboration and flexibility are necessary components of both the design and business aspects of company operations. Industry personnel were impressed by (a) the level and depth of knowledge and execution in the student projects, and (b) the creativity of new ideas for the brands.
Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.