• Title/Summary/Keyword: dictatorship

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A Comparative Study on Welfare-Dictatorship Exchange in the East Germany and the North Korea (복지와 독재의 교환에 관한 동독과 북한의 비교연구)

  • Hwang, Gyu Seong
    • 한국사회정책
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.113-139
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    • 2016
  • This article tries to compare exchange relations between welfare and dictatorship in the East Germany and the North Korea. Unlike capitalist welfare aiming at correcting market results socialist welfare has been proposed to satisfy people's basic needs, but it had operated as instrument of dictatorship. Relation between welfare and dictatorship could be distinguished as hard exchange and soft one in line with social construction of welfare. Welfare-dictatorship relation in East Germany had developed from its formation(1949-1970s), crisis(1980s) and dissolution(1989-1990). There had established hard exchange relation in which the legitimacy of dominance had debted to welfare as social rights. While crisis of the exchange relation had been modest in a form of insufficient supply of consumption goods, it was one of the elements of collapse of dictatorship, leading to the unification with West Germany. The journey of the exchange relation in North Korea can be characterized by its formation(1948-1980), crisis(1990s-2000s), and transformation(2010s). Unlike East Germany, welfare was socially constructed as gift form the ruler to the ruled, which made the combination of welfare and dictatorship loosely coupled. Although economic crisis was severe compared to East German one the rulers have succeeded maintaining dictatorial dominance by creating dual exchange relation. They separated core group and subordinated one supporting the former at the expense of the latter. They blocked out most of the people from soft exchange relation making bad use of muddling-through life style dependent on market activities. This strategy led to a 'dictatorship neutral welfare extinction'. Taking the high degree of institutionalization of newly establishing welfare-dictatorship relation into account, lives of most people are hardly expected to be improved by gift by their rulers even if North Korean economy will recover in the future.

The Symbolistic Values of Western Beards' Style in the Twentieth Century (20세기 서구 남성 수염 스타일의 상징적 가치)

  • Chang, Mee-Sook;Lee, Hwa-Soon;Lee, Yon-Hee
    • Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.21-30
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    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to research the symbolistic values of western beards' style in the twentieth century. Namely, it is to consider the relationship between social-cultural factors and aesthetic meanings of western beards' style. The contents are, firstly, studying the conception and the types of beard. A beard is the hair that grows on a person's chin, cheeks, neck, and the area above the upper lip. At the World Beard & Moustache Championships, there are moustache category (natural, english, hungarian, dali, fu manchu, freestyle), beard category (natural, musketeer, goatee, sideburns, freestyle), and full beard category (natural, garibaldi, verdi, van dyck, freestyle), Secondly, this paper is continued by researching the history of beard from the ancient to the present day, and thirdly, analyzing political dictatorship, social resistance and expression of personality, religious dignity, related with the change of world situation, the formation of postmodern anti-culture and pop-culture, and the coexistence of traditional culture. There are long and bushy full beards in some religions like Hinduism, Judaism and Islam. The meanings of their beards are purity, life and holiness. The beards of some politicians symbolize dictatorship. Namely, the chaplin of Hitler, the moustache of Hussein and the musketeer of Castro express strong power and charisma. In 1950s'-70s' subcultures, Hipsters' goatee, Bikers' horseshoe, Beat generations' goatee and Hippies' natural represent the lack of adaptability and social resistance. Also, the celebrities and artists like Ronald Colman, Clark Gable, Don Johnson, George Clooney, and Salvador Dali express freedom, personality, and taste with beards. For that matter, the symbolistic values of beards' style in the twentieth century are the religious dignity, the political dictatorship, the social resistance and the expression of personality. Today the beards' style is one of fashion items as well as a symbol of masculinity, customs and classes.

Formation of Military Dictatorship and Anti-Communism in Paraguay (파라과이 군부독재정권의 성립과 반공주의의 역할)

  • Gu, Gyoung-Mo
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.45
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    • pp.145-166
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    • 2016
  • The aim of this investigation was to determine the historical relationship between anti-communism in the United States and military dictatorship in Paraguay. Relations between the two countries have been of great importance since the U.S attempt to obtain hemispheric solidarity in World War II, the Cold War in Latin America, and the balance of power in the La Plata region. The Archives of Terror are official documents of police repression between Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship and the U.S. U.S provided support and aid to Paraguay dictator. Alfredo Stroessner spanned more than half a century. The course of Paraguay-U.S. relation during his regime is illustrative of the flow of real politics in both nations. Not only did Washington had definite diplomatic goals, so did $Asunci{\acute{o}}n$. The relative disparity in power and wealth between the two nations did not necessarily hinder Paraguay's pursuit of international advantage in its relations with the United States.

The Study of the Genocide in Guatemala (과테말라 내전 원주민 학살의 전개와 배경)

  • Noh, Yongseok
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.34
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    • pp.147-172
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    • 2014
  • The Guatemalan government and guerrilla forces(the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteco, URNG) signed peace accord in 1996, and ended civil conflict(1960-1996). The bloodiest governments of the 36-year-lond armed conflict were those of Lucas Garc?a, R?os Montt and Mej?a V?ctores, between 1978 and 1983. The war that Guatemala underwent resulted in more than 200,000 casualties, more than 83% of them Mayan, according to the report of the CEH(Comision para de Esclarecimiento Historico). 'Victoria 82' and 'Opreation Sof?a' were the strategy of military dictatorship to destory indigenous Mayan communities. This paper is to demonstrates that the Guatemalan state perpetrated a genocide against the indigenous population using racism to strengthening modern nation-state and this was because, historically and structurally, it possessed, in its intrinsic naturem the repressive, ideological and legal apparatus. To distinguish Maya from ladino is often linked to cultural and social discrimination and a system of racial ranking. Militaty dictatorship used the system of racial ranking to exterminate indigenous populations.

The Labeling Effect and the Politics of hostile Exclusion in Korean Society - Centered on 'Pro-North Korean leftist Forces'/'Pro-Japanese Dictatorship Forces' - (한국사회에서의 낙인효과와 적대적 배제 정치 - '종북좌파'/'친일독재 세력'을 중심으로 -)

  • Sunwoo, Hyun
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.145
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    • pp.271-296
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    • 2018
  • In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder in Elderly (노인에서의 외상 후 스트레스 장애)

  • Ryu, Seong-Gon
    • Anxiety and mood
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.9-16
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    • 2006
  • As an aging population is increasing, more elderly people are exposed to traumatic stress. Although this issue has received more attention in some literature, it is clear that numerous questions exist in aftermath of trauma exposure in elderly people. In case of Korean elderly suffers, traumatic experience includes the Korean war, military dictatorship and violent demonstration. Studies regarding elderly PTSD is not active and a lot of patients are not still engaged in treatment. We suggest that concerns that are unique to this population are necessary.

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The Korean State and Candlelight Democracy: Paradigms and Evolution

  • Bedeski, Robert
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.16 no.2
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    • pp.82-92
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    • 2017
  • The Korean state evolved as a distinct entity in a region of major power convergence and conflict. All states, as human constructions, seek sovereignty and life security of their subjects/citizens, and are rotted in organic society. In the Republic of Korea, constitutional order has provided a framework for political action and a succession of regimes - authoritarianism, military dictatorship, and constitutional democracy. Since 1960 two paradigms have undergone a cycle of growth and decline, and a third, since the 2016 candlelight demonstrations in Gwanghwamun, may be the beginnning of a third generation paradigm - populist constitutionalism.

The Origin and Formation of Korean Public Art Theories in the 1980s (1980년대 민중미술론의 기원과 형성)

  • Choi, Youl
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.7
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    • pp.37-64
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    • 2009
  • The theories of Korean Public Art originated by the artists who were against dictatorship and they associated with democratic politicians. They criticized the Fine art that were supported by the dictatorship and gave their efforts for restoration of 'resistance paintings(against dictatorship)', 'proletarian painting', 'realism painting'. In addition, they participated new social ideology(democracy) movement and demonstrated for their rights in arts. These became the main kernel the public art theory was initiated. The public artists splitted into several different parts and participated in the democratic social movement as well as the art movement for freedom. They opened various art exhibitions within different genre, diverse space for various art section such as an exhibition hall, a factories, a university, or a congregation square. Furthermore, the public art theorists published their divergent views through newspaper/broadcasting or unauthorized printed materials. Most of the public artist and the theorists kept their relationship strongly until 1985, the time when 'National Arts Association' started. In 1983 and 1984, they were clearly separated into two parts; artists(move only in art museums) and activists(move in public spaces like school, convention square etc). Their ideological separation also took out national problems. The division; professional artists and armatures, became the social issue as a social stratification matter. And in creating method, there are also other conflicts; critical realism, and public realism as well as western painting and traditional one. These kinds of separation and conflicts made different Public artists associations, under divergent names; 'Reality and Speak'(R&S), 'KwangJu Art Association', 'Durung', 'Dang(Land)', and 'Local Youth Students Association'. In addition, their ideology and pursuit toward art movements were very difference. However, the differences and conflicts weakened When the oppression of democratic education from new dictatorship(Pres. Jun, Doo Hwan) came out. In August. 1985 the government opened to the public so called, 'The draft of School stabilization law'(Hankwon Anjung Bup) to control the teachers' rights and that initiated bigger street demonstration and conflicts between police and educators. In November.1985, assembly meeting of National Arts Association in democracy opened as 'ONE' combined organization. In this presentation, I'd like to summarize the stream of art movement until 1984, and clarify the main art theories that lead the Public Art Movements in 1980s. The main theories in 1980s are crucial because they become the origin of public art theories. This presentation started with O,youn's "Hyunsil Dong In the first declaration" and explained the absent of practice in 1970s. In addition, Won, Dong Suk 's theory was mentioned as all over struggles in theories before 1980s. GA and R&S 's founding declarations in 1970s were the start of public art theorists' activities and this article reported the activities after the declarations. First, realism base on the consciousness of reality. Second, practice art democratization based on the ideology. Third, the subject of public art movement based on understanding people's social stratification structure. Fourth, the matters of national forms and creative ways in arts based on showing reality. Fifth, the strong points in arts that the practitioners accepted. About the public art theories around 1984, I discussed the dividing point of public art theories that were shown in 'generation theory', 'organization theory', and 'popularization theory' by the practitioners. The public realism theory that subjects the contradiction of reality and point out the limits of critical realism not only showing the new creative ways but also giving the feeling of solidarity to the public art activist groups. After that, public art movements expressed 'Dismentlement of Capitalism' and 'Public revolution'. In addition, the direction of public art movements were established strongly. There were various opinions and views during the start and formation of the public art theories. The foundation of theorists activities derived from the practitioners who had the concept based on stratification and nationalism. The strong trend of group division spreaded out by practitioners who opened art work together in factories, universities, squares and rural areas. Now many lively active practitioners are gone to the other field not related with arts, and others join into professional art field not public art one with unknown reason. The theorists have the same situation with the practitioners. It means to me that theory always have to be based on the practice.

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Development of Korean Folk Village in 1970s and its Historical Meaning (1970년대 '한국 민속촌' 건립 과정과 시대적 의미 고찰)

  • Kim, Ji-Hong;Jeon, Bong-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean housing association
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    • v.21 no.6
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    • pp.31-42
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    • 2010
  • Korean Folk Village was founded in 1974 as the first open-air museum in Korea. It consists of over one hundred traditional Korean houses and buildings. Most of structures in the Village were reproduced or newly constructed in traditional style. Some houses were used as craft shop and folklore performance. Preservation of vernacular architecture by the government began in the late 1960s in Korea. The development of the Village was initiated by the central government for the sake of attracting both the foreign and domestic tourists. Park Chung-hee administration focused on national culture to justify their dictatorship. The government drove a very rapid economic growth in the 1970s and Korean society was in the midst of modernization leaving many traditional landscapes behind in the memory. The Village was aimed to appeal the Korean people's nostalgia and at the same time to combine their folk into the modern nation.

North Korean Leaders' Personality Reflection on Provocation Patterns: Narcissism and Fear

  • Lim, Sora;Ko, Sunghwah
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.216-233
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    • 2020
  • Over the last 70 years, South Korea has gone through countless provocations from North Korea. Provocation is something that must be delicately calculated before the actual action, since it can be extended to a serious conflict. Among the possible factors, this paper focuses on the leader's characteristic, because 1) under North Korean dictatorship, the leader's thoughts are critical influence to policies and 2) personal characteristic, especially if it is the dictator's, hardly changes even when the external circumstances change. The purpose of this paper is in analyzing the correlations between North Korean leader's characteristics and provocation pattern. First, three generations of Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong-un's personal characteristics will be described. Next, particular provocation features in respective leader's period will follow. Lastly, how each leader's characteristic and concerns were reflected on the provocations will be analyzed.