• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.242-251
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• 2011

A curriculum of study demands a change as period of time and society evolve. Therefore, at this point where changes are required, this study is to analyze and evaluate the curriculums which will enhance and improve current studies as a preceding stage. The research was based on the survey by groups of education experts and 19 universities with current curriculum of study in radiologic science, and their references. The study was focused on the scope of work by radiologic technologist, change of college systems, academic research about radiologic science, and the improvement and the future of radiologic science field in perspective to globalization and the digital era. In terms of work scope, angiography and interventional radiology at 6 to 8 schools, fluoroscopy at 4 schools, ultrasound and practices at 6 schools, magnetic resonance image at 2 schools were found to be unestablished. The basic medical subjects, humuan physiology, human anatomy and practices, medical terminology courses were set up at most schools; however, pathology at 5 schools, image anatomy at 6 schools, clinical medicine at 11 schools were yet opened. Among the basic science and engineering subjects, general biology and its practices at 11 schools, general physics and its practices at 14 schools, and general chemistry and its practices at 8 schools were established which is about a half from a total number of schools. Only 4-5 schools established digital subjects such as, health computer, computer programming, PACS which are the basic major subjects. In order to provide academic improvement in radiologic science, digitalized education and globalization, and basis for future-oriented education for the field of radiologic science, including expanded scope of work, it is acknowledged that curriculums that are opened and run at each school need to be standardized. Therefore, the need for introduction of certificate for the radiologic science education courses are suggested.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.