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The Validation Study of Beck Depression Scale 2 in Korean Version (한국판 벡 우울 척도 2판의 타당화 연구)

  • Lim, Sun-Young;Lee, Eun-Jeong;Jeong, Seong-Won;Kim, Hee-Chul;Jeong, Cheol-Ho;Jeon, Tae-Yeon;Yi, Min-Soo;Kim, Jae-Min;Jo, Hyeon-Ju;Kim, Jeong-Beom
    • Anxiety and mood
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.48-53
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    • 2011
  • Objective : Korean Version of Beck-II Depression Inventory to verify the reliability and validity of the proposed standards are practical and standardized, cut-off score by establishing a baseline indicating the presence of depression and depression On in the evaluation was to evaluate the clinical usefulness. Methods : 739 patients with major depression using the SCID and normal controls were 302 study subjects. Of patients with clinically significant medical condition, or psychotic disorders, organic mental disorder, epilepsy or seizure disorder, eating disorders are associated with patients taking anti-convulsants experienced in the past, patients were excluded from the study. Results : The main findings of this study were as follows. First, with respect to the KBDI-II items, the correlation between them ranged from 0.51 to 0.74, and was 0.60 over all questions. Further, the overall correlation of the KBDI-II plates showing confidence 'normal' than it was verified that. Second, the BDIII was used in each group to examine internal consistency and thus, whether Cronbach's alpha values were greater than 0.94. Third, the principal component analysis sought to extract factors in a way consistent with the results inspected last 3 factors were extracted and the total variance explained was 47.3%. Fourth, the Cutting calculated the score on the KBDI-II for ROC (Receiver operator characteristic) analysis yielding 18 dot, with the highest sensitivity and specificity was seen. Conclusion : Based on the results of this Study, the KBDI-II cut-off point should be valid as prescribed in 18 is considered.

The study on the formation and influence about the epigraph form the Bal-Hae Dynasty (발해 묘지(墓誌) 양식의 형성배경과 영향)

  • Park, Jae bok
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.225-255
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    • 2009
  • Few data on the epigraph from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have been reported so far. The present paper, based on an examination of the style of the epitaphic tombstones of Princess Jeong-Hye and Princess Jeong-Hyo, investigates the historical formation and characteristics of Balhae's epitaphic style and its influences on the posterior periods. The epitaphs from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have the following epigraphic characteristics and historical significances. First, Bal-Hae's epitaphs are similar to those from the Goguryeo Dynasty in the sense that they are angular in their form. Tombstones with angular head first appeared during the East Han period. During the Wi-Jin period, however, as tombstones were not allowed to be erected in front of the tomb, small-sized epitaphic tombstones were set up inside tombs. Typical tombstones from the Dang Dynasty had stone pole and square cover. Unlike those from the Dang and the Tong-Il Silla Dynasties, however, the epitaphs from Bal-Hae had angular head in their tombstone body. The Bal-Hae's angular headed tombstones are very likely to testify that Goguryeo's epitaphs, which features an influence from the Wi-Jin Nambuk-Jo period, in turn exerted an effect on those from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Second, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones are characterized by their hexagonal head,which were modified from the then typical pentagonal head by cutting out the sharp point. The hexagonal head, which has not been found in its neighboring countries during the same historical period, is peculiar to the epitaphic tombstones from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Third, the edge lines and ornamental figures first appeared in Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones, as seen in those of Princess Jeong-Hye. In the fa?ade of the epitaphic tombstone, a carved line demarcates its rectangular body and trapezoidal head. Four faces of the body stonehave two parallel lines in their edges within which vignette was inscribed, and the trapezoidal head part was ornamented with flower figures. Fourth, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstone had an extensive influence on the posterior countries in its neighborhood. The epitaphic tombstones in the Bal-Hae style are very often found in those of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Yo Dynasty which were greatly influenced from Bal-Hae. The vestiges of Bal-Hae's epitaphic style are also found in those from the Song, the Geum, and the Won Dynasties.

A Study on the Trend and Utilization of Stone Waste (석재폐기물 현황 및 활용 연구)

  • Chea, Kwang-Seok;Lee, Young Geun;Koo, Namin;Yang, Hee Moon
    • Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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    • v.35 no.3
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    • pp.333-344
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    • 2022
  • The quarrying and utilization of natural building stones such as granite and marble are rapidly emerging in developing countries. A huge amount of wastes is being generated during the processing, cutting and sizing of these stones to make them useable. These wastes are disposed of in the open environment and the toxic nature of these wastes negatively affects the environment and human health. The growth trend in the world stone industry was confirmed in output for 2019, increasing more than one percent and reaching a new peak of some 155 million tons, excluding quarry discards. Per-capita stone use rose to 268 square meters per thousand persons (m2/1,000 inh), from 266 the previous year and 177 in 2001. However, we have to take into consideration that the world's gross quarrying production was about 316 million tons (100%) in 2019; about 53% of that amount, however, is regarded as quarrying waste. With regards to the stone processing stage, we have noticed that the world production has reached 91.15 million tons (29%), and consequently this means that 63.35 million tons of stone-processing scraps is produced. Therefore, we can say that, on a global level, if the quantity of material extracted in the quarry is 100%, the total percentage of waste is about 71%. This raises a substantial problem from the environmental, economical and social point of view. There are essentially three ways of dealing with inorganic waste, namely, reuse, recycling, or disposal in landfills. Reuse and recycling are the preferred waste management methods that consider environmental sustainability and the opportunity to generate important economic returns. Although there are many possible applications for stone waste, they can be summarized into three main general applications, namely, fillers for binders, ceramic formulations, and environmental applications. The use of residual sludge for substrate production seems to be highly promising: the substrate can be used for quarry rehabilitation and in the rehabilitation of industrial sites. This new product (artificial soil) could be included in the list of the materials to use in addition to topsoil for civil works, railway embankments roundabouts and stone sludge wastes could be used for the neutralization of acidic soil to increase the yield. Stone waste is also possible to find several examples of studies for the recovery of mineral residues, including the extraction of metallic elements, and mineral components, the production of construction raw materials, power generation, building materials, and gas and water treatment.

Analysis of Changes in Photosynthetic Ability, Photosystem II Activity, and Canopy Temperature Factor in Response to Drought S tress on Native Prunus maximowiczii and Prunus serrulate (자생 산개벚나무, 잔털벚나무의 건조 스트레스에 따른 광합성 및 광계II 활성, 엽온 인자 변화 분석)

  • Jin, Eon-Ju;Yoon, Jun-Hyuck;Bae, Eun-Ji
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.111 no.3
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    • pp.405-417
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study was to describe the photosynthetic features of Prunus maximowiczii and Prunus serrulate Lindl. var. pubescens (Makino) Nakai in response to drought stress. Specifically, we studied the effects of drought on photosynthetic ability and photosystem II activity. Drought stress (DS) was induced by cutting the water supply for 30 days. DS decreased the moisture contents in the soil, and between the 10th and 12th days of DS, both species had 10% or less of x., After the 15th day of DS, it was less than 5%, which is a condition for disease to start. We observed a remarkable decrease of maximum photosynthesis rate starting from 10th day of DS; the light compensation point was also remarkable. Dark respiration and net apparent quantum yield decreased significantly on the 15th day of DS, and then increased on the 20th day. In addition, the stomatal transpiration rate of P. maximowiczii decreased significantly on the15th day of DS, and then increased on the 20th day. Water use efficiency increased on the 15th day of DS, and then decreased on the 20th day. The stomatal transpiration rate of P. serrulate decreased significantly on the 20th day of DS, and then increased afterward, while its water use efficiency increased on the 20th day of DS, and then decreased afterward. These results indicate that the closure of stoma prevented water loss, resulting in a temporary increase of water use efficiency. Chlorophyll fluorescence analysis detected remarkable decreases in the functional index (PIABS) and energy transfer efficiency in P. maximowiczii after the 15th day of DS. Meanwhile, photosystem II activity decreased in P. serrulate after 20 days of DS. In addition, Ts-Ta, PIABS, DIO/RC, ETO/RC followed similar trends as those of the soil moisture content and photosynthetic properties, indicating that they can be used as useful variables in predicting DS in trees.

Effect of Acute Ethanol Intoxication on the Pulmonary Compliance and Surfactant in Rats (급성(急性) Ethyl 알콜 중독(中毒) 흰쥐의 폐용압률(肺容壓率)과 폐포활성물질(肺胞活性物質)의 변화(變化))

  • Lee, Seung-Jung;Choo, Young-Eun
    • The Korean Journal of Physiology
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.27-36
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    • 1981
  • Relatively little has been done on the metabolic changes of the lung produced by the excessive alcohol ingestion to the point of the acute alcohol intoxication. In the present study, an effort was made to clarify the possible changes of the pulmonary surfactant system by the acute alcohol ingestion. The dynamic pulmonary compliance and the levels of protein and inorganic phosphorus (Pi) of both lung lavage and extract were chosen as the parameters of the pulmonary surfactant activities. The albino rats of both sexes were used, and 1.5 ml of 50% ethanol per 100 g body weight was given by oral intubation, and the experiment was performed at 1, 3, 6, 12, and 24 hours after the alcohol ingestion. The rat was sacrificed by cutting the carotid arteries, and blood sample for the determination of hematocrit(Hct) and the blood alcohol concentration was obtained. Both lungs were completely removed without dammage to the lung tissue, and the pulmonary compliance was measured by the changes of pressure-volume(P-V) curves by inflating or deflating the lung with air. Immediately after the P-V curves were recorded, the lung lavage was obtained by washing the lobes with 15ml of isotonic saline 3 times with a syringe. Next, total lungs were homogenized and filtered to obtain the lung extract. The protein and Pi levels were measured using the lung lavage and extract as the samples, and the lung/body weight ratio(L/B ratio) was also calculated. The results thus obtained were compared with the normal values and summarized as follows. The blood alcohol concentration reached the highest level of $0.71{\pm}0.02\;g\;%$ at 1 hr and gradually decreased until 24 hrs$(0.36{\pm}0.02\;g%)$ after the alcohol ingestion, but all the experimental groups showed significant increase comparing with the normal. The highest Hct value was obtained at 1hr$(64.86{\pm}2.45%)$ and significantly elevated value was continued throughout the experiment. The L/B ratio was significantly lowered from 3hrs until 24hrs after the alcohol ingestion but from 6 th hr on, a generally elevated value was observed with a significant value at 12 hrs and gradual recovery to the normal value at 24 hrs after the alcohol ingestion. The pulmonary compliance at inflation and deflation did not change appreciablly from the normal until 3 hrs after the alcohol ingestion but from 6 th hr on, a generally elevated value was observed with a significant value at 12 hrs and gradual recovery to the normal value at 24 hrs after the alcohol ingestion. The protein level of the lung lavage stowed a significantly increased value of $12.36{\pm}0.35\;mg/gm(3rd hr)$, $12.70{\pm}0.74\;mg/gm(12 th hr)$, and $12.65{\pm}0.88\;mg/gm(24 th hr)$, respectively, comparing with the normal value of $10.65{\pm}0.62\;mg/gm$, and the Pi level also showed a similar tendency of significant increase at 12th hr $(7.65{\pm}0.63\;{\mu}mol/gm)$ and 24 th hr$(6.70{\pm}0.36\;{\mu}mol/gm)$ comparing with the normal value of $5.32{\pm}0.20\;{\mu}mol/gm$. The protein level of the lung extract in the alcohol group was generally similar to the normal value with a slight decrease at 1st and 3 rd hr, tut the Pi level of the lung extract was generally increased in the alcohol group, and a significant increase was observed at 6 th hr$(17.77{\pm}1.54\;{\mu}mol/gm)$, 12 th hr$(13.92{\pm}0.78\;{\mu}mol/gm)$ and 24 th hr$(14.57{\pm}0.53\;{\mu}mol/gm)$ of the alcohol ingestion comparing with the normal value of $10.34{\pm}0.37\;{\mu}mol/gm$. From the above, it may be concluded that the acute alcohol intoxication produces the metabolic changes of the lungs by the increased surfactant activities and elevated pulmonary compliance.

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Environmental Interpretation on soil mass movement spot and disaster dangerous site for precautionary measures -in Peong Chang Area- (산사태발생지(山沙汰發生地)와 피해위험지(被害危險地)의 환경학적(環境學的) 해석(解析)과 예방대책(豫防對策) -평창지구(平昌地區)를 중심(中心)으로-)

  • Ma, Sang Kyu
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.11-25
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    • 1979
  • There was much mass movement at many different mountain side of Peong Chang area in Kwangwon province by the influence of heavy rainfall through August/4 5, 1979. This study have done with the fact observed through the field survey and the information of the former researchers. The results are as follows; 1. Heavy rainfall area with more than 200mm per day and more than 60mm per hour as maximum rainfall during past 6 years, are distributed in the western side of the connecting line through Hoeng Seong, Weonju, Yeongdong, Muju, Namweon and Suncheon, and of the southern sea side of KeongsangNam-do. The heavy rain fan reason in the above area seems to be influenced by the mouktam range and moving direction of depression. 2. Peak point of heavy rainfall distribution always happen during the night time and seems to cause directly mass movement and serious damage. 3. Soil mass movement in Peongchang break out from the course sandy loam soil of granite group and the clay soil of lime stone and shale. Earth have moved along the surface of both bedrock or also the hardpan in case of the lime stone area. 4. Infiltration seems to be rapid on the both bedrock soil, the former is by the soil texture and the latter is by the crumb structure, high humus content and dense root system in surface soil. 5. Topographic pattern of mass movement spot is mostly the concave slope at the valley head or at the upper part of middle slope which run-off can easily come together from the surrounding slope. Soil profile of mass movement spot has wet soil in the lime stone area and loose or deep soil in the granite area. 6. Dominant slope degree of the soil mass movement site has steep slope, mostly, more than 25 degree and slope position that start mass movement is mostly in the range of the middle slope line to ridge line. 7. Vegetation status of soil mass movement area are mostly fire field agriculture area, it's abandoned grass land, young plantation made on the fire field poor forest of the erosion control site and non forest land composed mainly grass and shrubs. Very rare earth sliding can be found in the big tree stands but mostly from the thin soil site on the un-weatherd bed rock. 8. Dangerous condition of soil mass movement and land sliding seems to be estimated by the several environmental factors, namely, vegetation cover, slope degree, slope shape and position, bed rock and soil profile characteristics etc. 9. House break down are mostly happen on the following site, namely, colluvial cone and fan, talus, foot area of concave slope and small terrace or colluvial soil between valley and at the small river side Dangerous house from mass movement could be interpreted by the aerial photo with reference of the surrounding site condition of house and village in the mountain area 10. As a counter plan for the prevention of mass movement damage the technics of it's risk diagnosis and the field survey should be done, and the mass movement control of prevention should be started with the goverment support as soon as possible. The precautionary measures of house and village protection from mass movement damage should be made and executed and considered the protecting forest making around the house and village. 11. Dangerous or safety of house and village from mass movement and flood damage will be indentified and informed to the village people of mountain area through the forest extension work. 12. Clear cutting activity on the steep granite site, fire field making on the steep slope, house or village construction on the dangerous site and fuel collection in the eroded forest or the steep forest land should be surely prohibited When making the management plan the mass movement, soil erosion and flood problem will be concidered and also included the prevention method of disaster.

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Studies on the Drying Mechanism of Stratified Soil-Comparison between Bare Surface and Grass plot- (성층토양의 건조기구에 관한 연구)

  • 김철기
    • Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.2913-2924
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    • 1973
  • This study was to investigate the drying mechanism of stratified soil by investigating 'effects of the upper soil on moisture loss of the lower soil and vice versa' and at the same time by examining how the drying progressed in the stratified soils with bare surface and with vegetated surface respectively. There were six plots of the stratified soils with bare surface($A_1- A_6$ plot) and the same other six plots($B_1- B_5$ plot), with vegetated surface(white clover). These six plots were made by permutating two kinds of soils from three kinds of soils; clay loam(CL). Sandy loam(SL). Sand(s). Each layer was leveled by saturating sufficient water. Depth of each plot was 40cm by making each layer 20cm deep and its area. $90{\times}90(cm^2)$. The cell was put at the point of the central and mid-depth of the each layer in the each plot in order to measure the soil moisture by using OHMMETER. soil moisture tester, and movement of soil water from out sides was cut off by putting the vinyl on the four sides. The results obtained were as follow; 1. Drying progressed from the surface layer to the lower layer regardless of plots. There was a tendency thet drying of the upper soil was faster than that of the lower soil and drying of the plot with vegetated surface was also faster than that of the plot with bare surface. 2. Soil moisture was recovered at approximately the field capacity or moisture equivalent by infiltration in the course of drying, when there was a rainfall. 3. Effects of soil texture of the lower soil on dryness of the upper soil in the stratified soil were explained as follows; a) When the lower soil was S and the upper, CL or SL, dryness of the upper soils overlying the lower soil of S was much faster than that overlying the lower soil of SL or CL, because sandy soil, having the small field capacity value and playing a part of the layer cutting off to some extent capillary water supply. Drying of SL was remarkably faster than that of CL in the upper soil. b) When the lower soil was SL and the upper S or CL, drying of the upper soil was the slowest because of the lower SL, having a comparatively large field capacity value. Drying of CL tended to be faster than that of S in the upper soil. c) When the lower soil was CL and the upper S or SL, drying of the upper soil was relatively fast because of the lower CL, having the largest field capacity value but the slowest capillary conductivity. Drying of SL tended to be faster than that of S in the upper soil. 4. According to a change in soil moisture content of the upper soil and the lower soil during a day there was a tendency that soil moisture contents of CL and SL in the upper soil were decreased to its minimum value but that of S increased to its maximum value, during 3 hours between 12.00 and 15.00. There was another tendency that soil moisture contents of CL, SL and S in the lower soil were all slightly decreased by temperature rising and those in a cloudy day were smaller than those in a clear day. 5. The ratio of the accumulated soil moisture consumption to the accumulated guage evaporation in the plot with vegetated surface was generally larger than that in the plot with bare surface. The ratio tended to decrease in the course of time, and also there was a tendency that it mainly depended on the texture of the upper soil at the first period and the texture of the lower soil at the last period. 6. A change in the ratio of the accumulated soil moisture consumption was larger in the lower soil of SL than in the lower soil of S. when the upper soil was CL and the lower, SL and S. The ratio showed the biggest figure among any other plots, and the ratio in the lower soil plot of CL indicated sligtly bigger than that in the lower soil plot of S, when the upper soil was SL and the lower, CL and S. The ratio showed less figure than that of two cases above mentioned, when the upper soil was S and the lower CL and SL and that in the lower soil plot of CL indicated a less ratio than that in the lower soil plot of SL. As a result of this experiments, the various soil layers wero arranged in the following order with regard to the ratio of the accumulated soil moisture consumption: SL/CL>SL/S>CL/SL>CL/S$\fallingdotseq$S/SL>S/CL.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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